(Source: American Civil Liberties Union)

1. ^ ^abc"Loving v. Virginia". Oyez. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
2. ^ ^ab"Loving v. Virginia". LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
3. ^ ^abViñas-Nelson, Jessica (September 2017). "Interracial Marriage in 'Post-Racial' America". Origins. 10 (12).
4. ^Douglas, Stephen A. (1991). The Complete Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858. University of Chicago Press. p. 235.
5. ^"What is Loving Day?

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   Interracial marriage in the United States

   

   U.S States, by date of repeal of anti-miscegenation laws:

     No laws passed

     Repealed Before 1888

     Repealed between 1948 to 1967

     Overturned June 12, 1967

   Interracial marriage in the United States has been legal throughout the United States since at least the 1967 U.S. Supreme Court (Warren Court) decision Loving v. Virginia (1967) that held that "anti-miscegenation" laws were unconstitutional.^[1][2] Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote in the court opinion that "the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual, and cannot be infringed by the State."^[1]

   The number of interracial marriages as a proportion of all marriages has been increasing since 1967, so that by 2010 15.1% of all new marriages in the United States were mixed race compared to a low single-digit rate in the mid-20th century. Interracial marriage has continued to rise throughout the 2010s.

   Public approval of interracial marriage rose from around 5% in the 1950s to around 80% in the 2000s. The proportion of interracial marriages is markedly different depending on the ethnicity and gender of the spouses.

   Historical background

   The first "interracial" marriage in what is today the United States was that of the woman today commonly known as Pocahontas, who married tobacco planter John Rolfe in 1614.^[3]

   The Quaker Zephaniah Kingsley married (outside the U.S.) a black enslaved woman that he bought in Cuba. He also had three black common-law enslaved wives; he manumitted all four. In 1828 he published a Treatise, reprinted three times, on the benefits of intermarriage, which according to Kingsley produced healthier and more beautiful children, and better citizens. In Spanish Florida, where Kingsley lived, he was tolerated until Florida became a U.S. territory, for which reason he eventually moved with his family to Haiti (today the Dominican Republic).

   The prospect of black men marrying white women terrified many Americans before the Civil War. It was magnified into the greatest threat to society, the result of freeing blacks: according to them, White American women would be raped, defiled, sullied, by these savage jungle beasts.^{[citation needed]} Extramarital "interracial" unions were not rare, most commonly white male and black female (see Sally Hemings, Lydia Hamilton Smith, and Children of the plantation), and although restricted to the lower classes common-law unions of black male with white female are not unknown.

   However, the first legal black-white marriage in the United States was that of African-American professor William G. Allen and a white student, Mary King, in 1853.^[3] When their plans to marry were announced, Allen narrowly escaped being lynched. Their marriage was secret, and they left the country immediately for England, never to return.

   While opposed to slavery, in a speech in Charleston, Illinois in 1858, Abraham Lincoln stated, "I am not, nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people. I as much as any man am in favor of the superior position assigned to the white race".^[4]

   In Social Trends in America and Strategic Approaches to the Negro Problem (1948), Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal ranked the social areas where restrictions were imposed on the freedom of Black Americans by SouthernWhite Americans through racial segregation, from the least to the most important: basic public facility access, social equality, jobs, courts and police, politics and marriage. This ranking scheme illustrates the manner in which the barriers against desegregation fell: Of less importance was the segregation in basic public facilities, which was abolished with the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

   However, the most tenacious form of legal segregation, the banning of interracial marriage, was not fully lifted until the last anti-miscegenation laws were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren in a unanimous ruling Loving v. Virginia.^[1][2] The court's landmark decision, which was made on June 12, 1967, has been commemorated and celebrated every year on the Loving Day (June 12) in the United States.^[5]

   Academic researches

   Cultural aspects

   The differing ages of individuals, culminating in the generation divides, have traditionally played a large role in how mixed ethnic couples are perceived in American society. Interracial marriages have typically been highlighted through two points of view in the United States: Egalitarianism and cultural conservatism.^[6] Egalitarianism's view of interracial marriage is acceptance of the phenomenon, while traditionalists view interracial marriage as taboo and as socially unacceptable.^[7] Egalitarian viewpoints typically are held by younger generations, however older generations have an inherent influence on the views of the younger.^[8] Gurung & Duong (1999) compiled a study relating to mixed-ethnic relationships ("MER"s) and same-ethnic relationships ("SER"s), concluding that individuals part of "MER"s generally do not view themselves differently from same-ethnic couples.^[9] Research led by Barnett, Burma, and Monahan in 1963 and 1971 showed people who marry outside of their race are usually older and are more likely to live in an urban setting.^[10]Social enterprise research conducted on behalf of the Columbia Business School (2005–2007) showed that regional differences within the United States in how interracial relationships are perceived have persisted: Daters of both sexes from south of the Mason–Dixon line were found to have much stronger same-race preferences than northern daters did.^[11] The study also observed a clear gender divide in racial preference with regards to marriage: Women of all the races which were studied revealed a strong preference for men of their own race for marriage, with the caveat that East Asian women only discriminated against Black and Hispanic men, and not against White men.^[11] A woman's race was found to have no effect on the men's choices.^[11]

   Socio-economic aspects

   Several studies have found that a factor which significantly affects an individual's choices with regards to marriage is socio-economic status ("SES")—the measure of a person's income, education, social class, profession, etc. For example, a study by the Centre for Behaviour and Evolution, Newcastle University confirmed that women show a tendency to marry up in socio-economic status; this reduces the probability of marriage of low SES men.^[12]

   Research at the universities of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB) and Texas A&M addressing the topic of socio-economic status, among other factors, showed that none of the socio-economic status variables appeared to be positively related to outmarriage within the Asian American community, and found lower-socioeconomically stable Asians sometimes utilized outmarriage to whites as a means to advance social status.^[13]

   Marital stability

   A 2008 study by Jenifer L. Bratter and Rosalind B. King conducted on behalf of the Education Resources Information Center examined whether crossing racial boundaries increased the risk of divorce.^[14] Using the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth (Cycle VI), the likelihood of divorce for interracial couples to that of same-race couples was compared. Comparisons across marriage cohorts revealed that, overall, interracial couples have higher rates of divorce, particularly for those that married during the late 1980s.^[14]

   The authors found that gender plays a significant role in interracial divorce dynamics: According to the adjusted models predicting divorce as of the 10th year of marriage, interracial marriages that are the most vulnerable involve White females and non-White males relative to White/White couples.^[14] White wife/Black husband marriages are twice as likely to divorce by the 10th year of marriage compared to White/White couples, while White wife/Asian husband marriages are 59% more likely to end in divorce compared to White/White unions.^[14] This study's sample size of White wife/Asian husband marriages was 5 couples and therefore not of a reliable statistical strength to draw any conclusions.^[14] Conversely, White men/non-White women couples show either very little or no differences in divorce rates.^[14]

   Asian wife/White husband marriages show only 4% greater likelihood of divorce by the 10th year of marriage than White/White couples.^[14] In the case of Black wife/White husband marriages, divorce by the 10th year of marriage is 44% less likely than among White/White unions.^[14] Intermarriages that did not cross a racial barrier, which was the case for White/Hispanic White couples, showed statistically similar likelihoods of divorcing as White/White marriages.^[14]

   However, a 2009 study a year later by Yuanting Zhang and Jennifer Van Hook on behalf of Journal of Marriage and Family using a substantially larger sample size than the previous study produced different results with Asian female/White male marriages, followed closely by Asian male/White female marriages, shown as the least likely to divorce of any interracial marriage pairing.^[15]

   Rank	Pairing	Relative divorce rate by pairing
   1	Black, Black	1.63
   2	Black husband, White wife	1.62
   3	Black, White	1.55
   4	White husband, Black wife	1.44
   5	Hispanic husband, White wife	1.19
   6	Hispanic, White	1.13
   7	Other mixed race couples	1.07
   8	White husband, Hispanic wife	1.06
   9	White, White	1.00
   10	Hispanic, Hispanic	0.98
   11	Asian husband, White wife	0.79
   12	Asian, White	0.77
   13	White husband, Asian wife	0.77
   14	Asian, Asian	0.24

   This data comes from Table 3 Model 4 of the Zhang paper, which incorporates all controls into the model. White husband, white wife pairings are used as a control. The numbers are the relative rates at which interracial couples get divorced i.e. a pairing between a black husband and white wife is 1.62 times more likely to divorce than a pairing between a white husband and white wife.

   Census Bureau statistics

   The number of interracial marriages has steadily continued to increase since the 1967 Supreme Court ruling in Loving v. Virginia, but also continues to represent an absolute minority among the total number of wed couples. According to the United StatesCensus Bureau, the number of interracially married couples has increased from 310,000 in 1970 to 651,000 in 1980, to 964,000 in 1990, to 1,464,000 in 2000 and to 2,340,000 in 2008; accounting for 0.7%, 1.3%, 1.8%, 2.6% and 3.9% of the total number of married couples in those years, respectively.^[16]

   These statistics do not take into account the mixing of ancestries within the same "race"; e.g. a marriage involving Indian and Japanese ancestries would not be classified as interracial due to the Census regarding both as the same category. Likewise, since Hispanic is not a race but an ethnicity, Hispanic marriages with non-Hispanics are not registered as interracial if both partners are of the same race (i.e. a Black Hispanic marrying a non-Hispanic Black partner).

   White Wife			Black Wife			Asian Wife			Other Wife			Total
   White Husband	50,410,000	97.9%	97.7%	168,000	3.9%	0.3%	529,000	15.3%	1.0%	487,000	42.4%	0.9%	51,594,000	100%
   Black Husband	390,000	0.8%	8.6%	4,072,000	95.4%	89.2%	39,000	1.1%	0.9%	66,000	5.7%	1.3%	4,567,000	100%
   Asian Husband	219,000	0.4%	7.0%	9,000	0.2%	0.3%	2,855,000	82.5%	91.8%	28,000	2.4%	0.9%	3,112,000	100%
   Other Husband	488,000	0.9%	44.0%	18,000	0.4%	1.6%	37,000	1.1%	3.4%	568,000	49.4%	51.0%	1,111,000	100%
   Total	51,507,000	100%	4,267,000	100%	3,460,000	100%	1,149,000	100%	60,384,000

      – Percentages for Race and Wife

      – Percentages for Race and Husband

   Based on these figures:

   • White Americans were statistically the least likely to wed interracially, though in absolute terms they were involved in interracial marriages more than any other racial group due to their demographic majority. 2.1% of married White women and 2.3% of married White men had a non-White spouse. 1.0% of all married White men were married to an Asian American woman, and 1.0% of married White women were married to a man classified as "other".
   • 4.6% of married Black American women and 10.8% of married Black American men had a non-Black spouse. 8.5% of married Black men and 3.9% of married Black women had a White spouse. 0.2% of married Black women were married to Asian American men, representing the least prevalent marital combination.
   • There is a notable disparity in the rates of exogamy by Asian American males and females. Of all Asian American/White marriages, only 29% involved an Asian American male and a White female. However Indian American males married more non-Indians than females, although Indian Americans displayed the highest rates of endogamy, with very low levels of outmarriage overall. Of all Asian American/Black marriages only 19% involved an Asian American male and a Black female. 17.5% of married Asian American women and 8.2% of married Asian American men had a non-Asian American spouse.
   • The most common interracial marriage in the United States is an Asian American female married to a White American male, this is followed by a White American female married to a Black American male.

   In 2006, 88% of foreign-born White Hispanic males were married to White Hispanic females. In terms of out-marriage, Hispanic males who identified as White had non-Hispanic wives more often than other Hispanic men.

   2008 Pew Research Center Report

   The table (U.S. Census Bureau's 2008 American Community Survey) shows that among whites who out-married in 2008, there were different patterns by gender in the race of their spouses. More than a quarter of white men (26.9%) married an Asian woman, and about 6.9% married a black woman. In contrast, 20.1% of white women married a black man, while just 9.4% married an Asian man. A slightly higher proportion of white women than white men married a Hispanic person (51% versus 46%), and a similar share of each gender married someone in the other group.^[18]

   Percentage of all new marriages in 2008 Who “Out-Married” by Race/Ethnicity of Spouse
   Hispanic	Black	Asian	Other
   White Husband	46.1%	6.9%	26.9%	20.1%
   White Wife	51.4%	20.1%	9.4%	19.1%
   White	Hispanic	Asian	Other
   Black Husband	57.2%	21.9%	7.0%	13.9%
   Black Wife	58.6%	24.2%	5.5%	11.6%
   White	Black	Asian	Other
   Hispanic Husband	83.3%	4.5%	5.3%	7.0%
   Hispanic Wife	77.5%	13.2%	4.0%	5.2%
   White	Black	Hispanic	Other
   Asian Husband	70.9%	4.8%	17.7%	6.7%
   Asian Wife	76.8%	7.2%	9.5%	6.6%
   1 (%) Percentage of all New Marriages that are Interracial or Interethnic - 2008 ACS[18] 2 “Newly married” refers to people who got married in the 12 months before the survey. 3 (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a racial group. E.g.: White, Black, Mestizo)

   The study found that in 2008:^[19]

   • A record 14.6% of all new marriages in the United States in 2008 were between spouses of a different race or ethnicity from one another. This compares to 8.0% of all current marriages regardless of when they occurred. This includes marriages between a Hispanic and non-Hispanic (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a race) as well as marriages between spouses of different races – be they white, black, Asian, American Indian or those who identify as being of multiple races or some other race.
   • Among all newlyweds in 2008, 9% of whites, 16% of blacks, 26% of Hispanics and 31% of Asians married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.
   • Among all newlyweds in 2008, intermarried pairings were primarily White-Hispanic (41%) as compared to White-Asian (15%), White-Black (11%), and Other Combinations (33%). Other combinations consists of pairings between different minority groups, multi-racial people, and American Indians.
   • Among all newlyweds in 2008, native-born Hispanics and Asians were far more likely to intermarry than foreign-born Hispanics and Asians: 41.3% of native-born Hispanic men out-married compared to 11.3% of foreign-born Hispanic men; 37.4% of native-born Hispanic women out-married compared to 12.2% of foreign-born Hispanic women; 41.7% of native-born Asian men out-married compared to 11.7% of foreign-born Asian men; 50.8% of native-born Asian women out-married compared to 36.8% of foreign-born Asian women. Foreign-born excludes immigrants who arrived married.
   • Gender patterns in intermarriage vary widely. Some 22% of all black male newlyweds in 2008 married outside their race, compared with just 9% of black female newlyweds. Among Asians, the gender pattern runs the other way. Some 40% of Asian female newlyweds married outside their race in 2008, compared with just 20% of Asian male newlyweds. Among whites and Hispanics, by contrast, there are no gender differences in intermarriage rates.
   • Rates of intermarriages among newlyweds in the U.S. more than doubled between 1980 (6.7%) and 2008 (14.6%). However, different groups experienced different trends. Rates more than doubled among whites and nearly tripled among blacks. But for both Hispanics and Asians, rates were nearly identical in 2008 and 1980.
   • These seemingly contradictory trends were driven by the heavy, ongoing Hispanic and Asian immigration wave of the past four decades. For whites and blacks, these immigrants (and, increasingly, their U.S.-born children who are now of marrying age) have enlarged the pool of potential spouses for out-marriage. But for Hispanics and Asians, the ongoing immigration wave has also enlarged the pool of potential partners for in-group marriage.
   • There is a strong regional pattern to intermarriage. Among all new marriages in 2008, 22% in the West were interracial or interethnic, compared with 13% in both the South and Northeast and 11% in the Midwest.
   • Most Americans say they approve of racial or ethnic intermarriage – not just in the abstract, but in their own families. More than six-in-ten say it would be fine with them if a family member told them they were going to marry someone from any of three major race/ethnic groups other than their own.
   • More than a third of adults (35%) say they have a family member who is married to someone of a different race. Blacks say this at higher rates than do whites; younger adults at higher rates than older adults; and Westerners at higher rates than people living in other regions of the country.^[19]

   2010 Pew Research Center Report

   The study (U.S. Census Bureau's 2010 American Community Survey) found that in 2010:^[20]

   • A record 15.1% of all new marriages in the United States were between spouses of a different race or ethnicity from one another. This compares to 8.4% of all current marriages regardless of when they occurred. This includes marriages between a Hispanic and non-Hispanic (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a race) as well as marriages between spouses of different races – be they white, black, Asian, American Indian or those who identify as being of multiple races or some other race.
   • Among all newlyweds, 9.4% of whites, 17.1% of blacks, 25.7% of Hispanics and 27.7% of Asians married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.
   • Among all newlyweds, intermarried pairings were primarily White-Hispanic (43.3%) as compared to White-Asian (14.4%), White-Black (11.9%), and Other Combinations (30.4%). Other combinations consists of pairings between different minority groups, multi-racial people, and American Indians.
   • Among all newlyweds, native-born Hispanics and Asians were far more likely to intermarry than foreign-born Hispanics and Asians: 36.2% of native-born Hispanics (both men and women) out-married compared to 14.2% of foreign-born Hispanics; 32% of native-born Asian men out-married compared to 11% of foreign-born Asian men; 43% of native-born Asian women out-married compared to 34% of foreign-born Asian women. Foreign-born excludes immigrants who arrived married.
   • Gender patterns in intermarriage vary widely. Some 24% of all black male newlyweds in 2010 married outside their race, compared with just 9% of black female newlyweds. Among Asians, the gender pattern runs the other way. Some 36% of Asian female newlyweds married outside their race in 2010, compared with just 17% of Asian male newlyweds. Among whites and Hispanics, by contrast, there are no gender differences in intermarriage rates.
   • Rates of intermarriages among newlyweds in the U.S. have nearly tripled since 1980 (6.7%) increasing to 14.6% in 2008 and 15.1% in 2010.
   • There is a strong regional pattern to intermarriage. Among all new marriages in 2010, 22% in the West were interracial or interethnic, compared with 14% in the South, 13% in the Northeast and 11% in the Midwest.

   Interracial marriage by pairing

   Asian and White

   

   An Asian bride and White groom at their wedding (2004)

   Marriages between European Americans and Asian Americans are increasingly common for both genders in the United States.^[21]

   Asian Americans of both genders who are U.S.-raised are much more likely to be married to Whites than their non-U.S.-raised counterparts. A 1998 Washington Post article states 36% of young Asian Pacific American men born in the United States married White women, and 45% of U.S.-born Asian Pacific American women took White husbands during the year of publication.^[22]

   The 1960 census showed Asian-White was the most common marriages. White women most common intermarriage pairings with Asian American was with Filipino males (12,000), followed by Indian males (11,200), followed by Japanese males (3,500) and Chinese males (3,500). For White males, the most common was with Japanese females (21,700), Indian females (17,500), followed by Filipina females (4,500) and Chinese females (2,900). ^[23]

   Anti-miscegenation laws discouraging marriages between Whites and non-Whites were affecting Asian immigrants and their spouses from the late 17th to early 20th century. By 1910, 28 states prohibited certain forms of interracial marriage. Eight states including Arizona, California, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, and Utah extended their prohibitions to include people of Asian descent. The laws of Arizona, California, Mississippi, Texas, and Utah referred to "Mongolians". Asians in California were barred by anti-miscegenation laws from marrying White Americans (a group including Hispanic Americans). Nevada and Oregon referred to "Chinese," while Montana listed both "Chinese" and "Japanese" persons.^[24] For example, a Eurasian daughter born to an Indian father and Irish mother in Maryland in 1680 was classified as a "mulato" and sold into slavery,^[25] and the Bengali revolutionary Tarak Nath Das's white American wife, Mary K. Das, was stripped of her American citizenship for her marriage to an "alien ineligible for citizenship."^[25]

   In 1918, there was controversy in Arizona when an Indian farmer married the sixteen-year-old daughter of one of his White tenants.^[26] California law did not explicitly bar Filipinos and whites from marrying, a fact brought to wide public attention by the 1933 California Supreme Court case Roldan v. Los Angeles County; however, the legislature quickly moved to amend the laws to prohibit such marriages as well in the aftermath of the case.^[27][28] Virginia in addition implicitly forbade marriage between white and Asians in the 1924 Racial Integrity Act, which banned marriages between whites and people who had "a trace whatsoever of any blood other than Caucasian" except for people with 1/16 or less Native American ancestry.^[29]

   Research conducted in the late 1970s in Los Angeles County, California, showed Japanese were, on average, more likely to marry outside of their race compared to Chinese and Koreans in the county. In 1979, 41.2% of Chinese marriages had a spouse of a different race. Koreans had a 27.6% rate of interracial marriages, and Japanese had a rate of 60.6%. The research also showed that, among Asians living in the United States, the percentage of women who married outside their race was higher than the percentage of men. Specifically, Korean-American women are involved in a higher percent of interracial marriages than Chinese or Japanese women. The research considered marriages to other Asians outside a person's ethnicity to be interracial marriages, for example, a Korean marrying a Japanese person.^[30]

   Black and White

   *	1980	1990	2000	2008	2009
   Total	167,000	211,000	363,000	481,000	550,000
   Black husband/ White wife	122,000	150,000	268,000	317,000	354,000
   White husband/ Black wife	45,000	61,000	95,000	164,000	196,000

   In the United States, there has been a historical disparity between Black female and Black male exogamy ratios: according to the United States Census Bureau, there were 354,000 White female/Black male and 196,000 Black female/White male marriages in March 2009, representing a ratio of 181:100.^[31] This traditional disparity has seen a rapid decline over the last two decades, contrasted with its peak in 1981 when the ratio was still 371:100.^[32] In 2007, 4.6% of all married Blacks in the United States were wed to a White partner, and 0.4% of all Whites were married to a Black partner.^[33]

   The role of gender in interracial divorce dynamics, found in social studies by Jenifer L. Bratter and Rosalind B. King, was highlighted when examining marital instability among Black/White unions.^[14] White wife/Black husband marriages show twice the divorce rate of White wife/White husband couples by the 10th year of marriage,^[14] whereas Black wife/White husband marriages are 44% less likely to end in divorce than White wife/White husband couples over the same period.^[14]

   According to Census Bureau data, in 1985 black men participated in 143,000 interracial marriages (approximately 3% of all married black men in the U.S.).^[10]

   Historically, mixed-race offspring of black and white people such as mulattos and quadroons were often denominated to the lower racial category, an example of the "one-drop rule", as a way to maintain the racial hierarchy. When slavery was legal, most mixed children came from an African American mother and white father. Relations between an African American man and white woman were deeply frowned upon, often due to the frequent portrayal of the men as sexual dangers. (By the 1970s, intermarriages flipped to be more common between a white woman and African American man). Once slavery was abolished, intermarriage was more common among higher educated and more affluent African Americans. There became a balance between racial prestige and socioeconomic prestige in intermarriages.^[34] Intermarriage between African Americans and whites was seen as the ultimate objective of integrationism.^[35] They believed these intermarriages were the solution to racism and discrimination.

   The 1960 and 1970 censuses showed that interracial marriage between black people and white people was least likely to occur in the South and most likely to occur in the West, specifically the West coast. In the 1960 census, 0.8% of black women and 0.6% of black men in the South were married to a white person. Ten years later, 0.5% of black women and 0.5% of black men in the South were married to a white person. By contrast, in the western U.S., 1.6% of black women and 2.1% of black men had white spouses in the 1960 census; the comparable figures in the 1970 census were 1.6% of black women and 4.9% of black men. In the 1980 census, the percentage of black men in the western U.S. in interracial marriages had increased to 16.5%.^[10] However, in 2020, births between blacks and whites were much more common in the South than other regions with approximately half occurring there and were least common in the West due to the low black percentage.^[36]

   Native American and Asian

   Filipino Americans have frequently married Native American and Alaskan Native people. In the 17th century, when Filipinos were under Spanish rule, the Spanish colonists ensured a Filipino trade between the Philippines and the Americas. When the Mexicans revolted against the Spanish, the Filipinos first escaped into Mexico, then traveled to Louisiana, where the exclusively male Filipinos married Native American women. In the 1920s, Filipino American communities of workers also grew in Alaska, and Filipino American men married Alaskan Native women.^[37] On the west coast, Filipino Americans married Native American women in Bainbridge Island, Washington.^[37]

   Asian and Black

   With African Americans and Asian Americans, the ratios are even further imbalanced, with roughly five times more Asian female/African male marriages than Asian male/African female marriages.^[38] However, C.N. Le estimated that among Asian Americans of the 1.5 generation and of the five largest Asian American ethnic groups this ratio narrows to approximately two to one.^[39] Even though the disparity between African American and Asian American interracial marriages by gender is high according to the 2000 US Census,^[38] the total numbers of Asian American/African American interracial marriages are low, numbering only 0.22% percent for Asian American male marriages and 1.30% percent of Asian female marriages, partially contributed by the recent flux of Asian immigrants.

   Historically, Chinese American men married African American women in high proportions to their total marriage numbers due to few Chinese American women being in the United States. After the Emancipation Proclamation, many Chinese Americans immigrated to the Southern states, particularly Arkansas, to work on plantations. The tenth year of US Census of Louisiana alone had counted 57% of interracial marriages between these Chinese Americans to be with African Americans and 43% to be with European American women. After the Chinese Exclusion Act, Chinese American men had fewer potential ethnically Chinese wives, so they increasingly married African American women on the West Coast.^[40] In Jamaica and other Caribbean nations as well many Chinese males over past generations took up African wives, gradually assimilating or absorbing many Chinese descendants into the African Caribbean community or the overall mixed-race community.

   Native American and White

   The interracial disparity between genders among Native Americans is low. Women are slightly more likely to “marry out” than men in this group: 61% of American Indian female newlyweds married outside their race, compared with 54% of American Indian male newlyweds.^[41]

   Historically in Latin America, and to a lesser degree in the United States, Native Americans have married out at a high rate. Many countries in Latin America have large Mestizo populations; in many cases, mestizos are the largest ethnic group in their respective countries.

   Native American and Black

   Further information: Black Indians

   In the United States, interracial unions between Native Americans and African Americans have also existed throughout the 16th through early 20th century resulting in some African Americans having Native American heritage.

   Throughout American history, there has been frequent mixing between Native Americans and black Africans. When Native Americans invaded the European colony of Jamestown, Virginia in 1622, they killed the Europeans but took the African slaves as captives, gradually integrating them. Interracial relationships occurred between African Americans and members of other tribes along coastal states. During the transitional period of Africans becoming the primary race enslaved, Native Americans were sometimes enslaved with them. Africans and Native Americans worked together, some even intermarried and had mixed children. The relationship between Africans and Native-Americans was seen as a threat to Europeans and European-Americans, who actively tried to divide Native-Americans and Africans and put them against each other.^[42]

   During the 18th Century, some Native American women turned to freed or runaway African men due to a major decline in the male population in Native American villages. At the same time, the early slave population in America was disproportionately male. Records show that some Native American women bought African men as slaves. Unknown to European sellers, the women freed and married the men into their tribe.^[43]

   Some African men chose Native American women as their partners because their children would be free, as the child's status followed that of the mother. The men could marry into some of the matrilineal tribes and be accepted, as their children were still considered to belong to the mother's people. As European expansion increased in the Southeast, African and Native American marriages became more numerous.^[43]

   Public opinion

   Historically, interracial marriage in the United States was subject to great public opposition (often a taboo),^[44] especially among whites.^[45] According to opinion polls, by 1986 only one third of Americans approved of interracial marriage in general.^[46] In contrast, in 2011, the vast majority of Americans approved of marriages between different races in general, while just 20 years earlier, in 1991, less than half approved.^[47]

   It was only in 1994 when more than half of Americans approved of such marriages in general.^[45] The approval/disapproval rate differs between demographic groups (for example by race, gender, age, and socioeconomic and marital status).^{[citation needed]}

   A 2018 YouGov/Economist poll found that 17% of Americans oppose interracial marriage; with 19% of "other" ethnic groups, 18% of blacks, 17% of whites, and 15% of Hispanics opposing.^[48]

   Attitudes towards interracial marriage can vary depending upon the race of the union and the person judging them - for example, black women expressed less approval for black men-white women marriages than the reverse, and Asian men less approval of white men-Asian women marriages than the reverse, seemingly due to concerns over mate competition.^[49]

   Relevant fields

   Marriage squeeze

   Main article: Marriage squeeze

   A term has arisen to describe the social phenomenon of the so-called "marriage squeeze" for African American females.^[50] The "marriage squeeze" refers to the perception that the most "eligible" and "desirable" African American men are marrying non-African American women at a higher rate, leaving African American women who wish to marry African American men with fewer partnering options. According to Newsweek, 43% of African American women between the ages of 30 and 34 have never been married.^{[citation needed]}

   Religion and interracial marriage

   Historically, many American religions disapproved of interracial marriage.^[51] Religious tradition and church attendance are consistent predictors for attitudes towards interracial marriages. Biblical literalists are less likely to support interracial marriage to Asians and Latinos. Whites who attend multiracial congregations or engage in devotional religious practices are more likely to support interracial marriages.^[52] Region also moderates the relationship between religion and interracial dating. Children with a religious upbringing in non-Western states, particularly the South, were less likely to have interracially dated than those without religious upbringings.^[53] Religious attitudes combined with Christian nationalism increased opposition to intermarriage more than either attribute measured independently.^[54]

   According to a Baylor University study "people with no religious affiliation were not statistically more likely to be in intermarriages than evangelical or mainline Protestants or people from other religions"^[55] with one exception, Catholics. Catholics were twice as likely to be in an interracial marriage than the general population.^[55] It is speculated that the reason for this is twofold: the increasing diversity of the Catholic population (which has seen a huge influx of immigrants, Catholicism has sizable to significant number of adherents from many nationalities worldwide) and the fact that Catholics typically base their choice of parish on geography rather than on its ethnic or racial makeup which creates more opportunities for interracial mixing.^[55] Jews were also more likely to date interracially than Protestants.^[53]

   Some religions actively teach against interracial marriages. For example, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints recommends against interracial marriages, but does not prohibit it.^[56][57] On the other hand, the Baháʼí Faith promotes interracial marriage as a prerequisite to achieving world peace.^[51]

   Even into the twentieth century, marriage between subcultures of Judaism was rare. Eastern European Jews were the most analyzed subgroup due to having the largest presence in the U.S. During 1908–1912, only 2.27% of Jews in New York City were part of an intermarriage. This figure only rose to 3.6% by 1919.^[58] Despite enjoying new freedom in America after escaping the oppression of the Old World, some Jews were still hesitant about interfaith marriage. One of the greatest factors that swayed Jews away from intermarriage was a fear of assimilation and loss of identity. Although the beginnings of a melting pot culture appeared to encourage diversity, it was also seen as a threat to the Jewish culture and religion. However, there was also fear of persecution due to racial tensions and frequent discrimination.

   Not all Jews were hesitant about assimilating into American culture. Some early Jewish authors such as Mary Antin were strong proponents of abandoning their Jewish heritage and encouraged interfaith marriage. It was suggested as a way to make immigration easier and reflect positively on the Jews in a time of prevailing discrimination. They believed that intermarriage was beneficial to both the Jewish community and America as a whole.^[59]

   While intermarriage was relatively common among ethnic groups like the German and Italians, the practice of endogamy was still the domineering practice among the newer ethnic groups. It has been found that rates in Jewish intermarriage increase from the initial immigrant wave with each subsequent generation.^[60]

   Immigrants and interracial marriage

   Racial endogamy is significantly stronger among recent immigrants.^[61] This result holds for all racial groups, with the strongest endogamy found among immigrants of African descent.^[61] Gender differences in interracial marriage change significantly when the non-white partner is an immigrant. For instance, female immigrants of Chinese descent are more likely to marry U.S.-born Caucasians than are their male counterparts.^[61]

   Interracial marriage versus cohabitation

   In the United States, rates of interracial cohabitation are significantly higher than those of marriage. Although only 7% of married African American men have European American wives, 12.5% of cohabitating African American men have European American partners. 25% of married Asian American women have European spouses, but 45% of cohabitating Asian American women are with European American men—higher than the percentage cohabiting with Asian men (less than 43%).^[62]

   Of cohabiting Asian men, slightly over 37% of Asian men have white female partners and over 10% married to white women.^[63] These numbers suggest that the prevalence of intimate interracial contact is around double that of what is represented by marriage data.

   See also

   References

   1. ^ ^abc"Loving v. Virginia". Oyez. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
   2. ^ ^ab"Loving v. Virginia". LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
   3. ^ ^abViñas-Nelson, Jessica (September 2017). "Interracial Marriage in 'Post-Racial' America". Origins. 10 (12).
   4. ^Douglas, Stephen A. (1991). The Complete Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858. University of Chicago Press. p. 235.
   5. ^"What is Loving Day?

      5 Dating Websites for Latinos Seeking Love

      While love is love no matter what, some prefer to date within their own race, ethnicity and even religious or political views. Today there are dating sites for yogis, doctors, lawyers, pet lovers, and of course, Latinos or Hispanics. Many sites come and go, but here are five that have been around for a while and that have different offerings depending on what you are looking for, whether it is a friend or a more lasting relationship—even marriage. All of them have a free feature which allows you to check out the scene, and all of them have paid subscriptions that you can find out about once you become a registered user.

      LatinoPeopleMeet.com

      This is an online dating site that is dedicated to single men and women who identify as Latino, Hispanic, Chicano, or Spanish. It is built around the mission of making connections. The site provides safety tips for online dating to make sure you are not being scammed instead of courted. It is owned by PeopleMedia, a Match.com company, that also owns a whole series of online dating sites based on race, ethnicity and political views. You can browse for free, but there is a fee if you sign up to interact.

      eHarmony Hispanic Dating

      eHarmony was launched in the year 2000 in Pasadena, California, and now has over 15 million registered users. Both the mainstream site and their Hispanic section uses their Compatibility Matching System® to match potential love partners. You can register online and then in your profile select that you prefer to date Hispanic men or women, and eHarmony will factor that in when choosing your matches. eHarmony is known for being the to-go dating site for long-term committed relationships, with marriage being the most likely goal.

      Amigos.com

      This online dating site boasts 7.9 million users. In addition to having your profile online for potential suitors to browse you can also host your own blog on it. There are a number of good reviews about the site online. Many users seem to enjoy the blogging option and the fact that there are several ways to meet your match. This depends on the kind of membership you purchase. Many members are Spanish speakers but you can target prospects by language too.

      LatinAmericanCupid.com

      As with others dating sites, you can join for free and browse, but for more interaction, you will need to upgrade to a paid membership. This site allows you to message chat or video chat with other members. Just by looking at the home page it appears to cater to a younger demographic (the first thing you will find is a photo of a beautiful very young woman). The feel is more of men seeking ladies.

      Match.com Latino

      Match.com has been around since 1995 and is one of the most popular online dating sites for those seeking a serious relationship. You can browse profiles for free, but interactions also require an upgrade (a paid membership). Aside from being able to exchange emails and instant messages with your love interest, you can also attend Match events in your area every week to meet other singles in person or a group setting.

      Follow NBC News Latino on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram.

      Lorraine C. Ladish

      Lorraine C. Ladish is a bilingual author, writer, editor, speaker & social media maven. Founder of Viva Fifty Media & VivaFifty.com, a bilingual community that celebrates being 50+. She lives in Sarasota, FL with her quirky blended family. Twitter: @lorrainecladish, Instagram @lorrainecladish, Facebook: www.facebook.com/lorrainecladish. Website: www.lorrainecladish.com

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      The Influence of Skin Color on Heterosexual Black College Women’s Dating Beliefs

      J Fem Fam Ther. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2014 Apr 3.

      Published in final edited form as:

      PMCID: PMC3974407

      NIHMSID: NIHMS557979

      PMID: 24707076

      See other articles in PMC that cite the published article.

      Abstract

      Black women’s skin color perceptions were identified utilized qualitative methods. The primary goal was to identify the relevance of these perceptions on their understandings about dating preferences and related beliefs about appropriate scripts using a Black feminist thought framework. Twenty- eight self- identified Black women attending a large university in the southeastern United States were interviewed for this study. Lighter- skin was perceived as being more attractive, and associated with four themes about dating: (a) positive personality traits, (b) increased value in dating contexts, and (c) sexual appeal to men. Therapeutic considerations for addressing skin color concerns with Black female clients, including addressing within group differences and validation of skin color values, are addressed.

      Keywords: BLACK WOMEN, SKIN COLOR, THERAPY, ATTRACTIVENESS, SEXUALITY, DATING

      As men assign disproportionately greater importance to how a woman looks rather her personal qualities in dating contexts (Feingold, 1990; Montoya, 2008), phenotypic traits serve as an important symbolic tool used to evaluate racial/ ethnic minority women’s physical attractiveness (Hill, 2002a; Hunter, 2005). Further, the meanings associated with skin color are also used to frame ideas about Black women’s personalities and behavior expectations (Hill, 2002b; Okazawa-Rey, Robinson & Ward, 1987; Stephens & Few, 2007). These directly affect their self-esteem, self-identity, and interpersonal relationship dynamics, issues that commonly arise in therapeutic situations with Black female clients.

      Numerous narratives have suggested that this is due to historical stereotyping of darker skin Black women as hypersexual, hostile, and emasculating partners (Durik et al., 2006; Niemann, Jennings, Rozelle, Baxter, & Sullivan1994; Sengupta, 2006; Weitz & Gordon, 1993), while kindness, popularity, attractiveness and socially desirability have been associated with lighter-skinned Black women (Baumann, 2008; Maddox & Gray, 2002; Nasser-McMillan et al., 2006; Stephens & Few, 2007). These skin color beliefs influence dating partnership preferences. For example, research has shown a partiality among Black men toward Black women with lighter- skin (Hunter, 2002; Stephens & Few, 2007). However, few studies have examined how these skin color perceptions and preferences are related to beliefs about Black women’s personality and behavioral expectations, in which are instrumental in shaping dating partner preferences.

      This study contributes to the existing research on Black skin color by first identifying how a group of college aged Black women gave meaning to their own skin color through the development of symbolic social meanings. As this phenomenon is informed by ideas of power, gender, race and sexuality, this research seeks to contextualize these Black women’s unique experiences within a Black Feminist approach to knowledge creation (Hill Collins 2000; Stephens & Phillips, 2005). Second, we examined how these meanings influence perceptions of males’ skin tone preferences and evaluations of Black women’s personality via dating preference development. By recognizing why males’ perceived and actual evaluations are so influential, we are able to identify the ways in which skin color in an engendered phenomenon that not only benefits males, but helps maintain dominant ideas about race, gender, and sexuality (Hill Collins 2000; Stephens & Phillips, 2005). Finally, we discuss the implications of this phenomenon for therapists and clinicians working with college aged Black women.

      Literature Review

      Labels such as high yellow or red bone (near white skin) to blue black (very dark skin) highlight the institutionalization of differential skin color messaging within some Black communities in the United States. Although prior research has found that skin color is an important form of social capital for Black women (Bond & Cash, 1992; Hunter, 2003; Hunter, 2003; Hunter, 2007; Wade, 1996), few studies have examined how it informs dating preferences development in Black communities

      Black Feminist Thought & Dating Scripting Theory

      It is important to identify a theory that reflects Black females’ social location and that of others with whom the come to give meaning to their skin color. For these reasons, Black feminist thought (BFT) has been identified as an appropriate framework to integrate with dating scripting theory to explore these phenomenon. Whereas traditional theories offer frameworks that are flexible enough to fit realities of any group’s development, Black feminism is more specific in its integration, validation, and centering of Black women’s unique realities (Few, Stephens & Rouse-Arnette, 2003). It rejects the notion of universal laws of behavior, favoring idiosyncratic approaches by focusing on individual functioning, goals, and meaning within Black female realities. The historical, economic, political, and social experiences that have shaped others’ and our own perspectives of who and what Black women represent are central in Black feminism. They analyze the meanings, social rules, values, and motives that govern action in a specific context (Comstock, 1982). Human action and interpretations are considered historical by-products of collective experience. As a field of inquiry that emerged from both feminist and critical race theories, BFT validates the experiences of Black women in the creation of knowledge. Dating script theory serves as the foundation for illustrating the application of BFT.

      Dating scripts are important to examine as they serve as mental structures for understanding how individuals organize ideas of appropriate dating behaviors experiences (Simon & Gagnon, 1984). As frameworks of dating role expectations, scripts create norms regarding appropriate behavior that are expressed and maintained through their usage in social contexts. Prior research indicates that scripts are instrumental in the creation of a belief system, developing a set of attitudes, and outlining prescriptions for dating behavioral expectations that not only influence individuals’ evaluation of their “role” in a social interaction, but also have an impact on others’ perception and evaluation of an individual’s role (Simon & Gagnon, 1984). This reciprocal process of knowing takes place because people develop a sense of meanings through social interactions and exposure to messaging within continually changing cultural and social contexts (Longmore, 1998).

      When specifically considering dating preferences and scripting processes, it is important to identify cues for shaping understandings and beliefs about appropriate behaviors. Visual cues are particularly powerful as they bring to mind past knowledge or previous experience. Research has shown that when individuals meet people they immediately draw upon visual cues to place that person into certain symbolic categories of understanding (Longmore, 1998). In dating research, for example, perceptions about an individual’s gender (Alksnis, Desmariais, & Wood, 1996; Ross & Davis, 1996; Rose & Frieze, 1993) and sexual orientation (Alksnis, Desmariais, & Wood, 1996; Ross & Davis, 1996; Rose & Frieze, 1993) have been found to inform beliefs about dating partnerships and predict behavioral interactions. However, few studies specifically address the role of skin color in shaping beliefs about dating scripts. Further, the relevance of these skin color beliefs on the gendered distribution of power in male-female relationships and racialized gender-stereotypes influencing Black women’s experiences in dating contexts is often ignored (Hill Collins, 2000). This is void in the research is problematic, given prior research has shown skin color beliefs are useful for identifying the meanings and values Black women give to race, ethnicity, and beauty in the context of general sexuality (Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Hall, 2002; Maddox & Gray, 2002; Stephens & Few, 2007; Stephens, Phillips & Few, 2009). Using an integrative approach that includes BFT and dating script theory to guide the identification of factors shaping Black women’s subjective skin color and dating preference will directly address this void in the dating script development literature.

      Values given to Skin color

      Black women gain knowledge of skin color values early in life via observational learning. When children see others treated better or worse based upon having lighter or darker skin, particularly within their own family unit, they internalize these skin color messages (Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Hill, 2002a). Over time, these messages lead to a preference among Black populations for lighter- skin colors over darker skin colors (Bond & Cash, 1992) such that Blacks with lighter- skin have reported better occupations, higher incomes, and educational opportunities than those with darker skin (Hall, 2005; Maddox & Gray, 2002; Wade, 1996). For example, studies have found Black high school students attribute intelligence, attractiveness, popularity and general greater social successes to their peers with lighter- skin (Anderson & Cromwell, 1977; Bond & Cash, 1992; Stephens & Few, 2007). Further, Atkinson, Brown, Parham, Matthews, Landrum-Brown, and Kim (1996) found the skin color of Black female clients’ skin color influenced the clinical judgments of psychologists. Black psychologists rated lighter-skinned Black clients as more attractive and held more positive feelings toward them, while white psychologists endorsed more severe mental disorders for the Black clients with darker skin. Understandably, the valuing of skin color affects social interactions and socio-economic experiences within Black communities; darker-skinned Blacks are more likely to face greater barriers to achievement when compared to lighter-skinned Blacks (Maddox & Gray, 2002).

      Skin color and dating experiences

      One context where there is a body of research examining skin color’s influence on Black women’s interpersonal experiences is dating. Prior research has consistently shown that lighter- skin Black women are viewed as more attractive and successful than darker-skin Black women even when economic status is considered (Brown, 1998; Hill, 2002a; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Wade & Bielitz, 2005). In addition, lighter-skinned women are more likely to marry men with higher social (i.e. community leaders, athletes) or economic status than are darker-skinned women (Bond & Cash, 1992; Hunter, 1989; Neal & Wilson, 1989; Russell, Wilson & Hall, 2005; Wade & Bielitz, 2005). Researchers have asserted this occurs because lighter-skinned women are perceived as honorable and attractive, and, therefore, are perceived as more desirable marriage partners (Parmer, Arnold, Natt & Janson, 2004; Russell, Wilson & Hall, 2005; Wade & Bielitz, 2005).

      It should be noted that gender is of particular importance when considering Black women’s dating preferences and, in turn, enacted scripts. While there are some findings indicating a preference for lighter-skinned Black men (Esmail & Sullivan, 2006; Hall, 2005), when socioeconomic status is controlled, darker-skinned Black men have the same likelihood as lighter- skin Black men to have higher status wives and be viewed as sexually attractive (Hall, 2002; Hunter, 2003; Okazawa-Rey, Robinson, & Ward, 1987). According to researchers, this double standard in dating preferences and scripting beliefs occurs because men are less likely to be judged by their physical appearance than are women leading to differing emphasis on and valuing of skin color (Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Esmail & Sullivan, 2006; Hill, 2002a; Parmer, Arnold, Natt& Janson, 2004).

      Clearly, there is a need to understand specific skin color values, and how these values shape behavior scripts a through reciprocal messaging between Black women and potential partners. Unfortunately, few studies have specifically examined the ways in which evaluations of Black women’s personalities are influenced by skin color perceptions and shape dating preference development. To address this, our BFT approach recognizes that men and women have the potential active agents in the (rec) construction of their skin color belief processes and personal lives. Thus, this study not only identifies Black women’s subjective meanings about skin color, and how these beliefs may influence their understandings about dating preferences and related beliefs about appropriate scripts, but also offers suggestions for individual level and interpersonal change.

      Method

      As this study sought to identify Black women’s subjective skin color and dating experience beliefs, scripting theory guided this qualitative study. Embracing a feminist tenant that realities are socially constructed through individual or collective definition of the situation, we chose to use a qualitative approach. This method of data collection allows for a rich and detailed examination of the processes by which individuals and groups construct meaning, as well as a description of what those meanings are. This approach also allows for the validation of Black women’s subjectivity and knowledge creation, an essential element of feminist research methodologies (Few, Stephens, & Rouse-Arnett, 2003; Hill Collins 2000; Stephens & Phillips, 2005). Further, researchers exploring the various dynamics that shape sexuality, race, and gender interactions have noted that qualitative methodology is particularly useful for gathering rich descriptive data, particularly among racial/ ethnic minority women (Few, Stephens, & Rouse-Arnett, 2003; Hill Collins 2000; Poran, 2006; Stephens & Phillips, 2005).

      Participants

      Twenty-eight women recruited from a psychology courses at large Hispanic serving Institution in Miami, Florida; these women resided in an urban center and attended a university where over 60% of the population identified as Hispanic. As psychology students, they each earned extra course credit for participating in research studies. Criteria for registering for this study included self-identifying as Black, heterosexual and between the ages of 18 and 24. Informed consent was given through the signing of a letter of acknowledgement approved by the University’s Institutional Review Board. We choose to interview Black college women because individuals at this stage of the lifespan often seek intimate partnerships, and students have access to a large pool of potential mates (Nelson et al., 2007; Stephens & Few, 2007).

      Procedures

      Two qualitative data collection techniques were used: 1) semi-structured individual interviews, and 2) skin color chart self-identifications. These sources of data were collected in order to compare the data and to confirm emergent themes and inconsistencies in the data. In addition, participants completed a demographic questionnaire so they could self-identify their race, ethnicity, nationality, and place of birth; these were placed in a sealed envelope opened by the data analysis team.

      A questioning route provided a framework for developing and sequencing a series of semi-structured, yet flexible questions. One research assistant, self-identifying as Black, conducted the interviews in a university conference room at a time selected by the participant. After reading the Institutional Review Board approved letter of consent and completing the demographic questionnaire, the women providing a pseudonym to use during interview and for identification in the transcriptions The interview began with focused questions about skin color values in the context of dating. A questioning route provided a framework for developing and sequencing a series of semi-structured, yet flexible questions. Some questions included, “Tell me how you racially or ethnically define yourself, and particularly as a woman within that group? What does it mean to have your skin color in terms of being physically attractive and dating? Would your relationship options or partner availability options change if you were three shades lighter or three shades darker?” Probes were prepared for each question to elicit further information from the participants if the responses given were not comprehensive or failed to provide understandable information. Interviews were audio taped, and had durations of 15 to 65 minutes.

      Drawing upon elements of Falcon’s (1995) skin color identification methods, the women selected their perceived and actual skin colors from three charts containing 18 skin shade samples. The three charts were digitally created from varying dark to light shades of three cosmetics companies’ makeup color charts. Designed so that women can choose liquid or powder foundations that match their skin color, the shades on these charts include different coloring types (such as warm and cool versions of a single skin color). Each chart contained eight, two- inch circular color samples. While the lightest colors were primarily on the first chart and darkest colors primarily on the third chart, ranges of color were integrated across all charts; this ensured that all skin color charts shared six of the same skin color options. Participants first selected a color they thought most closely resembled their skin color. Then, they held their wrist to the chart and selected the color they felt matched their skin color; both selections were noted by the interviewer. The interviewers also recorded in their notes the skin color chart number they felt most closely matched the participant; this was done for comparison purposes with the participants own choice of color. Participants were asked to explain and reflect on their skin color chart choices as part of the interview process.

      Throughout this process, the interviewers made notes about participant-researcher interactions and salient issues that emerged through the interviews. Participant-researcher interactions, body language, subsequent interview questions, and outlines of possible categories, themes, and patterns were also included in these interviewers’ notes. Finally, the interview transcriptions were read three times by researchers who did not conduct the interviews; they made notes identifying and highlighting key themes and points that were raised. Pseudonyms selected by the participants were used to identify their voices.

      Data Analysis

      Principles of the constant-comparative method (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) were used to guide data analysis in study. Four stages of the constant-comparative method guided the data analysis process in this study: (a) simultaneous data collecting and analysis; (b) sorting and creating categories (selective coding) based on researcher interpretation of emerging patterns and themes from the data; (c) generating hypotheses from the data and testing hypotheses with further data collection; and (d) using theoretical memos in the analysis, integration, and delineation of existing multiple relationships between categories. Drawing upon BFT, socio- historical knowledge about Black women’s skin color in the United States informed the development of coding schemes relevant to Black women’s dating and physical attractiveness beliefs as they related to skin color. The coding process, which served to categorize the qualitative data and describe the implications and details of these categories, involved the study investigator (DS) and four undergraduate research assistants (RAs), two of whom conducted interviews.

      DS and two RAs who had not conducted the interviews began with open coding, also known as generative coding. Individually, they developed categories of concepts, and themes that emerged from the data. Broad categories identified at this stage include skin color beliefs, physical attractiveness, and dating preferences. DS and the two RAs began the identification of coding cues by writing in the left margins of their own copies of the transcripts directly across from the relevant statements. They worked individually as this was “open” process. This ensured an exploration of the data takes place without prior assumptions shaping about what might be discovered. Through this line-by-line process, key thoughts of the participants and voids or inconsistency in statements are highlighted.

      After completing the open coding process, DS and all four RAs moved into selective coding to systematically codes with respect to the core concept of skin color beliefs. Together, we condensed and recategorized those thematic classifications identified in the open coding by reflecting on the connections within categories. By examining between categories and subcategories, we were able to deepen the theoretical framework underpinning our analysis. Prior research and the body of literature examining Black women’s skin color beliefs, personality perceptions, and dating attitudes were integrated into this process were integrated into this process to devise core categories relevant to Black women’s experiences.

      Once these coding techniques were completed, the transcripts were further triangulated with the researchers notes (which were made after each interview and during analysis), and participants’ skin color chart selections to confirm and disconfirm data trends. DS and four RAs reflected on the hypotheses generated through discussions noting the similarities and differences in these analyses. This type of triangulation serves as an important part of the validity claim in qualitative studies (Creswell, 1998). Codes and the relationships between these codes identified by DS and the RAs allowed for the moving of analysis from the descriptive stage to a more theoretical one (Glaser, 1978).

      Results

      Present findings provide descriptions of skin color, dating and physical attractiveness beliefs shared by a heterogeneous group of Black college women in the southeastern United States. Qualitative analysis of the data suggests the following three major themes about skin color: From this, three significant themes that emerged from the data analysis are presented here: 1) skin color self-perceptions, 2) skin color perceptions influence on attractiveness beliefs, and 3) perceptions of males’ skin color preferences.

      Participants

      The study participants came from diverse Black subgroups. In total, participants reported six familial nationalities including African American (N= 7), Jamaican (N= 8), Haitian (N= 11), Trinidadian (N= 1), and Antigua (N= 1). The majority (N= 23) were born in the United States; only one participant had lived more than 5 years abroad.

      Although their sexual and dating experience varied, all had some level of dating experience. The women reported an average of three non- sexual dating partners in a lifetime and an average of two sexual partners in a lifetime. At the time of data collection, nine reported having been dating someone for six months or longer, six had been dating someone for less than six months, two were dating two or more men at the time, and eleven were dating not dating anyone exclusively.

      There was general congruency between the interviewers and women’s skin color identifications. All the women and interviewers selected skin color shades from the dark to midrange skin color charts. None of the women perceived themselves as being on the skin color appearing to have fair or pale options. However, when compared the interviewers’ and women’s selections on the skin color chart, three women were perceived as being significantly lighter by the interviewer.

      Skin color perceptions

      Across all women, there was consistency in their perceptions of their own skin color values. Although six familial countries of origin were reported all the participants choose to frame their skin color experiences within the context of the United States. The majority (N=26) reported that skin color was an important issue at some point in their lives; both women, feeling it was important, shared a story about how they came to give meanings to their own skin color.

      Kim: I know we would compare our arms growing up- my sisters and my cousins. We would compare to see who was lightest, who was darkest. I know that my mom would tell us sometimes to stay inside so we wouldn’t get too dark [from the sun]. It was little things said all the time.

      Sheniqua: You know, it wasn’t said right out- but kind of you knew that everyone noticed [you skin color]-it was one of the first things you noticed- no one told me right out. Here at school, at home, on television- you know, it’s always there even without saying anything.

      Faith: Not that I have had an issue with [my skin color] but, ok, when I was little, my sisters used to tell me I was adopted as a joke because I was the lighter one. And now when people meet my parents- because my parents are like darker, my mother and my father are way, way darker than me- they won’t believe that my mother is my mother.

      Lissette: I have got a lot of time people have told me that I have nice skin. Like ‘Oh, you light skinned and of course you have an advantage.’

      When looking at the skin chart reports, all the women selected colors from the two pages appearing to be the darkest. When asked if they would prefer to be three shades lighter or three shades darker than their current skin color, 21 of the women stated they would prefer to be three shades lighter.

      J. J: I would probably prefer if I were three shades lighter, not darker. I would be prettier- to other people- I guess, if I were lighter.

      Beyonce: But my color is all right, like, it’s all right. I guess- like a caramel kind of tone…. so I know that people don’t really like dark, dark [skin]. So I get treated okay. Women are touchy about [skin color issues] but I’m in the middle so didn’t have problems.

      Skin color was also found to influence the ways in which women perceived they were treated by other people. When asked if they had experienced differential treatment in settings they interacted in regularly over the in the past 12 months (e.g. school, work, social group), 21 women reported they had felt their skin color influenced how another person behaved toward them on at least one occasion.

      Maria: It’s like at work there are only two of us [Black women]. Sometime I feel like they play her against me- like she’s darker so she’s the field slave and I’m the house slave- that’s how a [co-worker] said it. It’s kind of true- not obviously but in the back of their mind, right?

      Joan: In my lab- the teacher always mixes me up with the other [dark skin] girl, Julia. He doesn’t say anything bad or anything but it’s really obvious he did it all semester. But then she never confuses us with [other Black classmate] because she’s really light [skin color]. And there are only three of us Black girls in the class! And Tria and I sit together- I know Julia, but don’t know, know her well. But he one time told [other Black classmate] he thought she was Hispanic, so he probably doesn’t see her as one of us because she’s so light.

      Researcher: What did that say to you- how did you take that?

      Joan: Like I’m different. I stood out as different but not seen as different from Julia. And we look nothing alike.

      Skin color’s influence on dating preference and scripting cues

      All women were familiar with behavioral descriptors related to beliefs about Black women’s skin color in dating contexts. Specifically, lighter and darker skin colors were associated with specific scripts for sexual behaviors used to predict dating interactions. According to 26 participants, dark skin had negative connotations for Black women in dating contexts. According to these participants, Black women – and darker-skinned Black women in particular – were perceived as having unpleasant personalities; these assumed personality traits decreased a Black woman’s likability and her ability to be a good, supportive partner.

      Patricia: [Dark skinned women] make a bad dating partner…Like don’t go there, don’t marry that type. Ok, because a lot of [people] have said and they really believe that black skinned women are offensive and act stuck up. And they think they are all that.

      Nene: Well, expectations as in like why you are on TV, why you all ways have an attitude. Like the darker you are the meaner you are.

      Ronnie: I mean when it comes to dating [darker-skinned women] are perceived as being crazy. Well, in my opinion you know they view us as being freaks. Yeah adventurous- and we’re not yellow (laughs). Yeah, not yellow even with our skin.

      In contrast, 17 participants reported that women with lighter- skin were more likely to be stereotyped as having more socially acceptable personalities and achievements. The descriptors of their perceived personalities were more positive, engaging, and attractive.

      Dyana: You see you automatically think that [lighter-skinned women] are sweeter and nicer, which is kind of crazy because I know- and there is no difference. But you sort of believe the stereotype and think [lighter-skinned women] are just nicer. And if they aren’t nicer it’s because they are snobby because they are smarter and richer.

      In addition to influencing perceptions of women’s personalities, skin color beliefs were also seen as influencing how others gave meaning to Black women’s sexuality via dating script expectations. For example, sexually immoral and lascivious terms- including freaky, wild, and sexy- were used to describe beliefs about scripts associated with darker- skin.

      Sheniqua: Girls- like the ones who are on the darker side. Like my shade or darker, [people] say we tend to be freakier in bed (laughs).

      Franny: Bright skin- you know lighter girls are like good girls... they are like seen as sweet girls. They aren’t as sexual… but then they are viewed as sexy- right? But that don’t make sense. But the darker you get the further you get from that. It gets like the bad girl, wild in bed.

      Maggie: Like ‘Chocolate is sweeter or bitter?’ You’ve heard that? Well… like chocolate color women- or darker women... they’re a sexy dessert or can leave a bad taste.

      It should be noted, however, that only six participants specifically stated that lighter-skinned women were not as hypersexualized as darker skinned women. The remaining participants spoke of darker-skinned women in comparison to lighter-skinned women but did not make statements indicating lighter-skinned women were not sexualized.

      Perceptions of men’s dating preferences

      These beliefs about skin color were reinforced by these women’s perceptions of what men found physically attractive. Only one participant felt that men would be attracted to her dark skin color. In contrast, 27 participants reported that women with lighter- skin are viewed as the more attractive and, in turn, were more likely to be approached by Black men.

      Rihanna: I know that, a lot of [Black] boys they find it more attractive to be with a light-skinned girl.

      Lissette: [Black men] don’t like dark girls. They like light-skinned girls.

      Franny: Because people think that the darker you are… men think really dark, close to dark, like really black, that midnight black is ugly.

      While these women generally held positive attitudes about their own skin color varied, the majority indicated that a different dating script would be utilized by men if their current skin color changed. These women reported that males’ beliefs about skin color played an important role in for determining if a woman would be approached, asked out, or even considered as a potential partner.

      J. J: If you are lighter- skin --like lighter than even me—you’ll get asked out a lot more. Even if you’re not as pretty [as a darker skin woman], you get more dates because [men] ask you out more. Just because you’ve got light skin.

      Rihanna: If I were darker-skinned then they may not be attracted to me but then they might also see me as like easier to talk to. They won’t have any doubt that they can hit on me if I were darker. They figure I’d just be happy to get attention.

      Mary: I mean guys wouldn’t really pay attention to me if I were dark skinned or whatever. They will probably look at you but they won't… I don’t think they would give you a second look.

      Karla: I think more men would be attracted to me [if lighter]. Especially if my face was clear and light; they would look at me and notice me. I think if I was that [lighter] complexion I think it would change the way men look at me.

      Nicole: But you know the majority of the men that I have seen they tend to… like if there is a contest between me and this other girl who is 3 shades lighter, the girl who is 3 shades lighter than me would get more attention [from men] than me.

      Kim: Other people would like, like [white men] would come to me opposed to who all ready comes up to me now. Like opposed to darker skin people coming up to me it would be, if I were lighter toned, it would be lighter tone people coming up to me. I think if I were lighter more people would come up to me.

      Discussion

      The findings here support prior research examining Black women’s attitudes toward and feelings about skin color; when compared to lighter- skin colors, darker skin color was more of a liability for Black women in dating contexts (Hall, 2002; Hill 2002a, Hunter, 2007; Stephens & Few, 2007). Darker skin was also more likely to be negatively described in terms of perceptions of women’s personality, sexuality, and interpersonal interactions. While these findings are informative, a further contribution of this study to the existing literature pertains to the importance of skin color in dating script belief development and perceptions of sexuality in emerging adult Black populations. Frameworks of male desires and their influence on shaping dating interactions were also identified. We explore the implications of these findings below.

      Skin color self perceptions

      Although the women in this study were from diverse Black cultural and ethnic backgrounds, there was little diversity in their attitudes regarding skin color’s influence on dating scripts. We assert this occurred because the women primarily reported experiences they had within an American context. The questions asked focused on experiences during adolescence and emerging adulthood, a period in the lifespan when all women resided in the United States.

      As was found in prior research on the importance Black women give to skin color, he majority of the participants (93%) made statements highlighting the importance of skin color in their lives; all women stated that it was an issue that they thought about. Their narratives described the experiences, and related feelings that shaped the meanings they give to their skin color and self- identity.

      If given a choice, most of these women (N = 21) would prefer to be three shades lighter than they currently were; none wished to be darker. As was found in previous research, these feelings have been influenced by treatment varied from sources; they reported experiences that illustrate the devaluing of darker skin in social, education, and familial contexts (Robinson & Ward (1995). Underlying these messages was a belief that lighter- skin individuals are more likely to be evaluated positively, particularly during appraisals of women’s physical attractiveness. The narratives clearly support research showing that Black women’s self-evaluations of skin color directly affect their psychological well- being (Brown, 1998; Hill, 2002a; Hunter, 2002, 2003, 2007; Parmer, Arnold, Natt, & Janson, 2004; Wade, 1996; Wade & Bielitz, 2005).

      Skin color’s influence on dating preference and scripting cues

      The Black college women in this study reported that stereotypes about skin color influenced dating script development. Specifically, the symbolic meanings given to varied skin colors influenced others’ perceptions of Black women’s personality and interpersonal behaviors. For example, light or “red” skinned Black women were not perceived as have negative personalities in comparison to those Black women with darker or “black berry” skin. Darker Black women were thought of by the majority of the participants (N= 26) as having “ugly” and undesirable personalities. Similarly, the participants believed members of other racial/ ethnic groups and Black men also viewed darker-skinned Black women negatively when compared to those with lighter- skinned. While the women in this study did not agree with these perceptions, they noted that descriptors like “hostile”, “harsh”, “mean,” “loud,” “rude,” “bitchy,” “aggressive” and “crazy” were used to frame dating script frameworks about darker skin Black women. In contrast, lighter- skin women were described by the study participants as “sweet,” “nice” and “timid”. “Stush” and “sididdy” (African American youth slangs for acting stuck up) were also used to characterize lighter-skinned women; however, these terms were tied to an assumption of lighter- skinned women’s confidence in their attractiveness.

      These within-group level distinctions illustrate the skin color tensions that the research has noted continues to occur among diverse Black women. Maddox and Gray’s (2002) study of college students’ attitudes toward Black women showed that darker-skinned women were more likely to be viewed as unattractive, unintelligent and lazy when compared to lighter-skinned Black women, all traits used in partner assessment processes. As traits associated with darker-skinned women are deemed as less desirable than those associated with Black women, researchers assert that men are less willing to view darker-skinned women as potential partners (Niemann et al., 1994; Rose & Frieze, 1993; Wade & Bielit, 2005). This builds upon on prior distinctions found between Black and White women’s personality traits attributions. For example, Weitz and Gordon (1993) found the top three traits used to describe white women were intelligent, materialistic, and sensitive. In contrast, Black women were most often characterized as loud, talkative, and aggressive (Weitz & Gordon, 1993). Similarly, West (2004) noted that Black women are often perceived as “hostile tongue-lashing nag who drives men away and bullies everyone” (p. 282). Unlike White women, “loud”, “antagonistic”, “unmannerly”, and “more likely to express disgust with others” were other descriptors used to describe Black women (Durik et al., 2006; Niemann et al., 1994). Differentiating Black women’s personality from those of White women’s reinforces their positions as individuals standing on the margins of society, clarifying its boundaries (Hill Collins 2000; hooks & Manning 2000). This socially constructed framework of Black verses White women further relies on the continued production of the racist/sexist myth that Black women are not and do not have the capacity to be sexually innocent (Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Childs, 2005; Stephens & Phillips, 2003). These cross- cultural divisions have influenced the psyche of Black populations and created a system of skin color beliefs and values that informed within group social hierarchies and interpersonal relationships as is evident through the present results and prior research (e.g. Hill, 2002a; Hunter, 2002, 2003, 2007; Parmer, Arnold, Natt, & Janson, 2004; Wade, 1996). By continuing to reproduce these same divisions between lighter and darker skinned Black women, the same hierarchical stereotypes based upon physical attractiveness and partner competition beliefs is maintained.

      Beyond general dating script assumptions, skin color also informed specific sexual script behaviors beliefs. The participants noted that Black men use term like sexually “freakier” and “adventurous” to describe of darker-skinned women’s sexual behaviors. The stereotyping of lighter-skinned Black women occurred as well, but to a much lesser degree (N= 6). This negative sexualization of Black women’s sexuality via skin color illustrates the continued application of historical stereotypes of Black women's sexuality-. the sexless Mammy, the oversexed Jezebel, the disagreeable Sapphire, and the emasculating Matriarch (Sengupta, 2006; Stephens & Few, 2007). There content has changed little, yet remains as damaging as they inform the development of sexual identities and interpersonal processes of Black women and those with whom they interact.

      Perceptions of men’s dating preferences

      Consistent with prior research (Esmail & Sullivan, 2006; Hunter, 2007; Robinson & Ward, 1995; Ross, 1997; Stephens & Few, 2007; Tummala-Narra, 2007), the women in this sample believed that skin color values directly influenced Black males’ partner selection processes. The majority of the women in this study (N= 26) felt skin color was an important symbol men used to evaluate and select potential partners. Ninety-six percent of these participants perceive dark-skinned Black women as unattractive to Black men, while those with lighter- skin are the most desirable. For example, when asked about the implications of having a skin color three shades lighter than their current skin color, 26 of these emerging adult women all agreed that they would receive positive responses from Black men. In contrast, having a skin color three shades darker decreased the number of Black men who would approach or view them as attractive.

      Other studies have also found that Black men view lighter- skin Black women as more attractive than those with darker skin (Bond & Cash, 1992; Hall, 2005; Hill, 2002a; Stephens & Few, 2007; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Wade & Bielitz, 2005). These beliefs about Black male skin color preferences are important for understanding dating script development, given men place greater value than women on physical attributes --particularly skin color-- in dating contexts (Ross, 1997). Thus, women seeking a partner may feel that it is important to meet Black men’s skin color dating preferences and scripting expectations (Ross, 1997; Stephens & Few, 2007; Wade & Bielitz, 2005). Those women that are unable to meet these have a lowered self-esteem. Although skin color by itself does not account for changes in Black women’s self-esteem, it does become a powerful tool in framing ideas about who they are and how they should be treated (Bond & Cash, 1992; Hall, 2005; Hunter, 2007; Maddox & Gray, 2002). We know that negative self- esteem can decrease a Black woman’s ability to resist verbal, sexual, and emotional abuse in dating relationships (Bell, Goodman, & Dutton, 2007; DiClemente et al, 2005). This engendered reality is particularly important to consider as research has shown that skin color is an important predictor of self-esteem and self-efficacy for Black women but not Black men (Thompson & Keith, 2001). Thus, Black women with negative perceptions about their own skin color attractiveness may be more likely to experience unhealthy dating interactions and negative sexual health outcomes.

      Application to therapeutic interventions

      As research has clearly shown that race and gender-based factors (e.g. socialized gender roles, power in relationships and society, and physical attractiveness values) affect Black woman’s skin color experiences, it seems natural to apply a BFT lens when examining therapeutic interventions with this population. Through clinical processes, therapists have the opportunity to validate, center and integrate Black women’s realities as it relates to skin color. By focusing on individual functioning, goals, and meanings- all elements of BFT- therapists can help Black female clients recognize the influence of skin color on their sense of psychological well- being, educational attainment, income status, and social capital beliefs. Our findings indicate that several therapeutic issues must be considered, including 1) identifying skin color values, and 2) negotiation of intimate relationship messages. We now explore these issues sequentially below.

      Identifying skin color values

      Skin color values can have an immediate impact on the ability for therapists to connect with his/ her client upon first meeting. Each person has their own “skin color story” informed by multiple unique cultural factors that are sometimes used as cues for understanding commonalities and differences. As Tummala-Narra (2007) noted, the client and therapist often both use skin color to identify racial heritage and related beliefs, which are important factors in determining if a client engages in the counseling process. For some therapists and clients, skin color discussions can be uncomfortable, given the psychological and social implications of talking about “race” related issues. This reinforces the fact that anxieties continue to exist around the discussion of race-informed issues in therapeutic settings (Hall, 2002, 2005; Tummala-Narra, 2007). Therapists must overcome this uneasiness given prior research indication that skin color can have a significant impact on Black women’s psychological well-being.

      Further, therapists own skin color beliefs can inform their own ability to accurate address their clients’ needs. In a study examining Black and White therapists’ attitudes toward Black female clients, Atkinson et al (1996) found that their perceptions of their clients’ race influenced their interactions and diagnosis. Although no relationship was found between client skin tone and primary diagnosis or treatment recommendation, white therapists were more likely to view Black clients a less likely to benefit from therapy and less physically attractive (Atkinson et al., 1996). Further, White therapists more strongly endorsed severe mental disorder diagnoses for the client when compared to Black therapists. Clearly, is imperative that therapists of all racial and ethnic backgrounds “do the work” required to recognize their own skin color and race assumptions, consider their expressions of these judgments, and be open to comfortably explore issues about skin color values with their clients (Hall, 2005; Hill, 2002b; Stephens, Fernandez & Richman, 2011).

      Therapists must also recognize that not all Black women feel that skin color is a significant issue in their lives. Several studies, including this one, have found that many Black women were generally satisfied with their skin tone and only raise concerns in response to others’ attitudes (e.g. Bond & Cash, 1992; Childs, 2005; Hill, 2002a; Stephens & Few, 2007). Further, some Black women view their skin as a source of racial pride and a stronger black identity. Studies have shown that in some Black communities, having a skin color that is viewed as too light can also have negative meanings (Rockquemore, 2002; Stephens & Few, 2007). A dark skin color may be viewed as more “real” or may be seen as providing more authentic community membership, whereas a lighter- skin color may be seen as less “pure” (Hall, 2005, 1995; Rockquemore, 2002; Wade, 1996). For these women, skin color may be significant, but not viewed negatively. In fact, skin color may be a source of empowerment and essential to their self-esteem within contexts that provide positive responses to their appearance.

      Further, some women who appear as having dark skin may not identify as having the same skin color concerns raised by other Black women in the research. For example, some women may have different perceptions of their skin color than an outside observer; this is particularly true among ethnic Hispanic populations. In fact, studies have found that darker-skinned Hispanics¹ in the United States avoid identifying as being labeled “Black” for fear of experiencing discrimination or prejudice (Fears, 2002; Fernandez & Richman, 2011), going so far as to cognitively view their skin color as being much lighter than it is (Fears, 2000; Fernandez & Richman, 2011). In a survey of Hispanics, Falcon (1995) found that 58% identified as racially White and 4% as Black; the remaining 38% as mixed race. However, when interviewers recorded their own perceptions of each respondent’s skin shade (“very light,” “light,” “medium,”, “dark,”, or “very dark”), 31% of those respondents that self- identified as White and 55% of those that self- identified as mixed were recorded as being “dark” or “very dark” by the interviewers (Falcon, 1995).

      Clearly, there is significant diversity in skin color identification across Black communities, indicating differing skin color meanings exist in varied contexts. For therapists, suggesting the relevance of skin color when addressing dating experiences in therapy would be a useful way to open the door for discussion; but assuming its centrality could be problematic. It is important to follow the client’s line of discussion, exploring its meanings, values, and impact on psychological well-being before rushing in with assumptions about skin color’s importance to a Black female client (Few, Stephens, & Rouse, 2003; Hill, 2002b; Neal & Wilson, 1989). As such, therapists should draw upon a feminist approach to therapy, which strives for a collaborative relationship. While it is accepted that the therapist knows more in terms of psychology, the client knows more about herself. The client is the expert on her skin color beliefs and values; that knowledge is as critical as the therapist’s skills in developing a successful therapeutic relationship.

      Similarly, not all therapists are comfortable discussing issues so closely aligned with race, or avoid skin color as a topic for fear of racializing their client. For example, research consistently finds that there is still a level of discomfort around the discussion of race-informed issues in North American therapeutic settings (Hall, 2002, 2005; Tummala-Narra, 2007). Therapists must consciously address this concern, if applicable, as they may miss- out on being able to identify factors significantly influencing Black female clients’ psychological well-being.

      Negotiation of intimate relationship expectations and options

      It is important that therapists recognize the role and influence of familial and community messages about dating partnerships when working with Black college women in therapy. The goals or concerns that brought them to therapy cannot be viewed in isolation from these powerful influences dating values. Primarily due to greater pressure from their family and broader community to marry Black men, Black women were the group least likely to endorse marriage outside of the race (Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Parmer, Arnold, Natt, & Janson, 2004). Thus, despite perceiving Black men as not being attracted to darker skin, Black women might find it difficult to seek out other partners. Further, they may feel obligated to continue to seeking a Black mate in order to please familial expectations, despite a fear of rejection due to their skin color. As part of the therapy process, therapists must also help clients negotiate these messages about appropriate partners even if the women express concerns about men’s attitudes toward their skin color. Recognizing the significant influence of the sources of dating partnership messages, helping the client navigate these familial and cultural values around may be the primary work of the therapist

      Despite historical community and familial dating message trend, in reality, many Black women are dating men of other racial and ethnic groups. Although they are the group least likely to date interracially, research has shown a significant increase in the number of Black women dating men of other races over the past (Childs, 2005; Yancey, 2002). A primary reason cited for choosing to date men of other races is a concern regarding Black men giving greater value to white standards of beauty including skin color and, in turn, white women (Childs, 2005). Thus, these women are finding an alternative way to address skin color biases within the Black community. However, this often means that they are dealing with broader racial and skin color issues, including racism and cultural values conflicts (Levin, Taylory & Caudle, 2007; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Yancey, 2002). Thus, meanings about skin color differ in these relationships may be more complex than concerns about gradations of skin tones. Recognizing this growing trend, practitioners should be clear about the dating preference and related skin color values held by their Black female clients, particularly when addressing concerns about self-esteem- interpersonal relationships, or sexual health.

      Strengths and Limitations

      Though our findings offer new information about the influence of skin color on Black women’s dating script beliefs, some study limitations must be acknowledged. First, clearly it would be imprudent to assume that these experiences are applicable to all groups of Black women. For example, the women in this study attended a large university located in a racially/ ethnically diverse urban center. Future investigations may wish to explore the meanings and values given to skin color in dating scripts among Black college women who live in communities with either smaller or significantly larger Black populations and do not attend post-secondary institutions; this would allow for a more comprehensive identification of diversity or commonalities in opinions. Ideally, future studies would include more diverse samples of Black women, including Afro-Caribbean, Afro- Latino, lesbian/ bisexual/ transgendered. This would provide even more detailed information about dating scripts, highlighting even more within group differences and common values.

      Despite these limitations, our results contribute to the existing body of mental health literature examining color beliefs in Black populations in the United States by showing that skin color plays a significant role in the development of dating script frameworks. By examining these skin color perceptions, we can move from just acknowledging their values and meanings to challenging how Black women and others may use it to shape beliefs about who Black women are and what they are capable of doing. Clearly, beliefs and frameworks about Black women’s skin color must be “re- written” in ways that challenge the racist and sexist, socially constructed realities projected upon them. However, Black women must lead this action-based approach, occurring at individual, interpersonal, and institutional levels, so that a sense of personal power combined with an ability to affect others will lead to social and interpersonal change in skin color beliefs. Only then can socio- historical developmental changes in the creation and maintenance of Black women’s skin color frameworks, and their influence on dating scripts truly begin.

      Conclusion

      In the present study, we specifically examined the ways in which Black college women ascribe meanings and values to skin color, and, in turn, how these shape dating script development. One of the most meaningful results from our study reveals that the socio- historical beliefs about skin color continue to influence dating script beliefs among young Black women. Lighter- skin is still perceived as most desirable and is still viewed as attractive to potential partners. Similarly, our data support prior research findings that show dark skin is neither attractive nor enviable. Overall, these findings validate that Black women do contend with distinctive physical attractiveness values. These, in turn, contribute to the maintenance and usage of racially unique dating script beliefs.

      The influence of skin color beliefs on dating script development are important to examine given skin colors’ impact on Black women’s psychological outcomes. Future research should consider the accuracy of these perceptions in dating contexts and the long-term implications of utilizing these beliefs. For example, Brown (1998) asserted that dark-skinned women who must cope with a larger society’s messages as well as individuals in her own community that say they are not attractive would continue to experience negative psychological outcomes. Similarly, lighter-skinned women may feel a degree of uncertainty in their dealings with men who may not be able to see beyond their bias about skin color and relate to them as people (Okazawa-Rey, Robinson, & Ward, 1987).

      We suggest that, by understanding the continued significance given to skin color in dating contexts, new frameworks for understanding racial/ethnic dating script development and self-perceptions among Black populations are identified. Further, as this knowledge has emerged from the voices of Black women, it provides a new point of validation in future research processes. This knowledge helps us derive better understandings of, and identify ways in which to bring about change in the stereotypical evaluations of Black women’s skin colors. Further, this knowledge should contribute to the to alter the subordinated and oppressed position of women, by empowering Black women to be active agents in the construction skin color values in their social world and personal lives (Hill Collins, 2000; Stephens & Phillips, 2005). This would be particularly useful for therapist working with Black female clients on issues related to self-esteem, interpersonal relationships, and sexual health issues.

      Footnotes

      ¹We recognize that there is a debate between the use of the terms Hispanic and Latino. The term Hispanic was created by the United States government to identify people “who speak, are affected by or are Spanish- like” (Suro, 2006), and is viewed by some as a pejorative term. It is incorrectly used to also identify other non- Spanish speaking nationalities such as Brazilians; this lack of cultural appropriateness is one of the critiques raised about the term Hispanic. However, as the present study was conducted in an urban center where the majority of residents primarily self-identify as Hispanic, we use this term in the present manuscript when speaking about those living in the United States.

      Contributor Information

      Dionne Stephens, Florida International University.

      Tami L. Thomas, Florida International University.

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      • Stephens DP, Few AL. The effects of images of African American women in Hip Hop on early adolescents’ attitudes toward physical attractiveness and interpersonal relationships. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. 2007;56:251–264.[Google Scholar]
      • Stephens DP, Phillips LD. Integrating Black Feminist Thought into conceptual frameworks of African American adolescent women’s sexual scripting processes. Sexualities, Evolution & Gender. 2005;7:37–55.[Google Scholar]
      • Stephens DP, Phillips LD. Freaks, Gold Diggers, Divas and Dykes: the socio-historical development of African American adolescent females’ sexual scripts. Sexuality and Culture. 2003;7:3–47.[Google Scholar]
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      • Tummala-Narra P. Skin color and the therapeutic relationship. Psychoanalytic Psychology. 2007;24:255–270.[Google Scholar]
      • Wade TJ. The relationships between skin color and self-perceived global, physical, and sexual attractiveness, and self-esteem for African Americans. Journal of Black Psychology. 1996;22:358–373.[Google Scholar]
      • Wade TJ, Bielitz S. The differential effect of skin color on attractiveness, personality evaluations, and perceived life success of African Americans. Journal of Black Psychology. 2005;31:215–236.[Google Scholar]
      • Lectures on the psychology of women. 4. New York: McGraw Hill; pp. 286–299. [Google Scholar]
      • Weitz R, Gordon L. Images of Black women among Anglo college students. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. 1993;28:19–34.[Google Scholar]
      • Yancey G. Who interracially dates: An examination of the characteristics of those who have interracially dated. Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 2002;33:177–90.[Google Scholar]

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

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      I was a neo-Nazi. Then I fell in love with a black woman

      By Claire Bates
      BBC World Service

      Image source, Mark Seliger

      She was a violent white supremacist. But an encounter in prison changed her life forever.

      Angela King had gone to the bar expecting trouble. The neo-Nazi had arrived at the local dive in South Florida with a gang of violent skinheads.

      King, 23, sauntered in with a 9mm pistol in the waistband of her jeans. She and her friends wore combat boots and coloured braces, their skin emblazoned with racist iconography.

      "I had tattoos all over my body. I had Vikings tattooed on my chest, a swastika on my middle finger and 'Sieg Heil' on the inside of my bottom lip, which was the Hitler salute," King says.

      They hated black people and Jews and were also virulently homophobic. Plus, one of them was her boyfriend. So King didn't dare to admit that she was secretly gay.

      As the group drank they became louder and more aggressive. A large brawl broke out after a man ordering a drink took exception to King's boyfriend.

      "He said something about his tattoo and that was it. It took nothing to get my boyfriend swinging," King says.

      King and another woman from her group grabbed the man's companion and beat her up in the bathroom. They fled after hearing the police had been called.

      "We drove around all pumped up and started talking about what a race war would be like in the US," she says.

      "We talked about how it was OK to hurt people who aren't like us and we decided to go and find a place to rob."

      They settled on a convenience store, but farcically it had closed while they argued about who should go in. They eventually targeted an adult video shop, reasoning that pornography "wasn't beneficial to the white race".

      "One of the guys went in and pistol-whipped the clerk before stealing money from the register," King says. The clerk was Jewish.

      King, the eldest of three children, had been raised in a strict conservative family in South Florida. She went to an expensive private Baptist school and attended Catholic Church services each week.

      But she had a secret that left her confused, angry and resentful.

      "From very early on I felt I was abnormal because I was attracted to people of the same sex," King says.

      King kept her sexual identity hidden.

      "I knew I had to keep it to myself. My mother used to say to me, 'I will never stop loving you... except you better never bring home a black person or a woman."

      King started going to public school when she was 10 after her family moved. She struggled with her weight and self-confidence, and was called names by fellow students. When verbal bullying became physical, she finally snapped.

      "When I was 13 a girl ripped open my shirt in front of the entire class," she says.

      "I was in a training bra and felt completely humiliated. It just blew the lid off the anger and rage I had been holding on to for so long."

      King fought back and realised violence and aggression gave her a sense of control that she had never felt before. She soon became established as the school and neighbourhood bully.

      Her parents divorced and while she and her sister stayed with their mother, their brother went to live with her father. Desperate to belong, she joined a group of teenagers into punk rock who were starting to flirt with neo-Nazism.

      "These younger skinheads were known as 'fresh cuts'," King says.

      "I joined them because they accepted my violence and anger without question."

      The group pasted racist flyers around neighbourhoods at night and started fights with anyone who disagreed with them.

      King assumed she had found the right path, because many of their views reflected the casual racism and prejudice she had heard at home.

      King was proud of her new identity and wore it "like a mantle" each day. Despite this, little action was taken at school.

      In one earth science lesson she put a swastika flag on a model she had built of a moon base. It was left on display for weeks before anyone noticed.

      Although the model was taken down, King still received a B grade for it after her mother argued she had the right to freedom of speech. Her parents didn't object to her beliefs, but warned her she was "too blatant about them."

      King began to hang out with older skinheads and joined a violent white extremist group in her teens.

      "They told me that Jews had owned the slave ships and had brought black people to America to endanger the white race.

      "It sounds ridiculous but when you are uneducated or trying to fit in, you soak up the new reality like a sponge."

      King was asked to leave her school when she was 16 and went to work in various fast food restaurants. Her mother eventually kicked her out for causing too much trouble and she slept in cars and on friends' sofas.

      It was around this time, in 1998, that King was involved in the robbery of the adult video shop. Soon afterwards she fled to Chicago with her boyfriend who was wanted for another hate crime. However, she was arrested weeks later and taken to the Federal Detention Centre in Miami.

      It was the first time she had lived in close quarters with people from different cultures and backgrounds.

      "People knew why I was in there and I got dirty looks and comments. I assumed I would spend my time with my back to the wall, fighting," King says.

      What King did not expect was the hand of friendship - especially from a black woman.

      "I was in the recreation area smoking when a Jamaican woman said to me, 'Hey, do you know how to play cribbage?'" King had no idea what it was and was taught to play.

      It was the start of an unlikely friendship and King found her racist belief system crumbling as a result. Her friendship circle widened as she was taken under the wing of a wider group of Jamaican women, some of whom had been convicted for carrying drugs into the US.

      "I hadn't really known any people of colour before, but here were these women who asked me difficult questions but treated me with compassion," King says.

      With their help, she started to take responsibility for her past actions.

      During her first year in the detention centre she was tipped off that a newspaper article was coming out about her case. She told one of her new friends how worried she was about the publicity.

      "My friend had a job that meant she got out early to help prepare breakfast. The day it came out she stole the paper and hid it so no-one could read it. She, a black woman, did that for me, an ignorant white woman who was inside for a hate crime."

      King was sentenced in 1999 to five years and moved to the county jail so she could give evidence against one of her former gang. When she was returned to the detention centre she discovered her circle of friends had been moved on to a prison in Tallahassee.

      "Suddenly my support network wasn't there," she says. "I was heartbroken."

      Meanwhile some new inmates had joined the detention centre, including another Jamaican woman who took an instant dislike to King.

      "People said she had been in violent gangs and was a real badass. One day as I passed, she asked: 'How do you even get to be like that?' I stopped and answered her as fully and honestly as I could."

      The two women began to talk and realised although they came from different worlds they had had similar experiences on the streets. Slowly the antagonism faded and they formed a bond. They realised over time that their feelings went beyond friendship.

      "We realised we had fallen in love with each other. We were like, 'How on Earth did this happen?'"

      "We spent a lot of time together talking and shared a cell for a while. It got quite serious but we had to keep it secret."

      For both women it was their first serious gay relationship. King's girlfriend was sent on to the jail in Tallahassee before her. King says it felt "like torture" and they wrote to each other via intermediaries. However, the relationship fizzled out a few months after King was transferred to the same prison.

      Image source, Angela King

      When King was released in 2001 she was determined not to fall back into old habits. She was also keen to meet other gay people and started by talking to people in chat rooms.

      "I was very honest about my past. I found acceptance in the gay community and realised I wasn't alone."

      King went to community college to study sociology and psychology. She wanted to understand if her experience of extremism was a common one.

      While there she made contact with the local Holocaust Centre, and sat down with a Holocaust survivor in 2004 to share her life story.

      "She was very stern, but afterwards she looked me in the eye and said 'I forgive you,'" King says.

      She has been doing public speaking for the centre ever since. Then in 2011 she went to an international conference where she met other former extremists.

      "I was excited to meet other people who had got involved in violent extremism and then got out. I wasn't alone," King says.

      She met two Americans who had founded a blog called Life After Hate, in which they shared their stories. They agreed to work together to create a non-profit organisation to help other people leave the far right community.

      King was all too aware of the hurdles people wishing to leave white supremacist groups had to overcome. She had tried to walk away following the Oklahoma bombing in 1995.

      "I just remember watching all of this horrific television footage of children being pulled from rubble. Then I found out the bomber Timothy McVeigh shared many of my views," she says.

      King was under house arrest at the time but also stopped using her phone. One day she found bullet holes across the front of her apartment block. Her extremist friends hinted they had something to do with it.

      "It's not something where you can just say: 'I've changed my mind.' There are serious and oftentimes violent repercussions for trying to walk away from something like that," King says.

      Without outside support, King didn't feel able to leave. She now uses that experience to help others.

      "People in extremist groups wrap their entire identities around it. Everything in their life has to be changed, from the way they think, to the people they associate with, to dealing with permanent tattoos."

      The organisation runs a programme called Exit USA that stages interventions. It also offers mentoring and points people trying to leave to different resources.

      A group of around 60 former extremists provide peer support to each other. The recent violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, has been particularly difficult to deal with.

      "Current events can bring up guilt and shame," King says.

      "We are busier than ever and are running on fumes right now."

      Life After Hate had its government funding cut back by the Trump administration in June, but King says personal donations from around the world have helped make up the shortfall.

      Image source, Life After Hate

      Meanwhile she has reached a better place in her own life. Her relationship with her parents has improved and she believes they now accept the fact she is gay although she says she "doesn't care" if they do.

      She has also slowly started to forgive herself for her past mistakes.

      "I have a lot of healthy guilt about who I was and the things I did to hurt others and myself. But I know I would not have been able to do this work had I not had those experiences," she says.

      King is having her old tattoos lasered - a process that started after she left prison. She is covering the faded racist images with new body art. One phrase that now covers her wrist simply says, "Love is the only solution."

      Image source, Getty Images

      He was a skinhead and the poster boy for one of the 1980s' most notorious far-right movements. But Nicky Crane was secretly gay. Then his precarious dual existence fell dramatically apart.

      Images are copyright Angela King, unless otherwise stated

      Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      The uncomfortable racial preferences revealed by online dating

      The data shown above come from the Facebook dating app, Are You Interested (AYI), which works like this: Users in search of someone for a date or for sex flip through profiles of other users and, for each one, click either “yes” (I like what I see) or “skip” (show me the next profile). When the answer is “yes,” the other user is notified and has the opportunity to respond. It’s very similar to another dating app, Tinder.

      The graphic shows what percentage of people responded to a “yes,” based on the gender and ethnicity of both parties (the data are only for opposite-sex pairs of people). Unsurprisingly, most “yes’s” go unanswered, but there are patterns: For example, Asian women responded to white men who “yessed” them 7.8% of the time, more often than they responded to any other race. On the other hand, white men responded to black women 8.5% of the time—less often than for white, Latino, or Asian women. In general, men responded to women about three times as often as women responded to men.

      Unfortunately the data reveal winners and losers. All men except Asians preferred Asian women, while all except black women preferred white men. And both black men and black women got the lowest response rates for their respective genders.

      Perhaps most surprising is that among men, all racial groups preferred another race over their own.

      AYI analyzed some 2.4 million heterosexual interactions—meaning every time a user clicked either “yes” or “skip”—to come up with these statistics. Its users skew older than Tinder’s—about two-thirds of AYI users are older than 35, according to a spokesperson.

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      Identity for U.S. Hispanics is multidimensional and multifaceted. For example, many Hispanics tie their identity to their ancestral countries of origin – Mexico, Cuba, Peru or the Dominican Republic. They may also look to their indigenous roots. Among the many ways Hispanics see their identity is their racial background.

      Afro-Latinos are one of these Latino identity groups. They are characterized by their diverse views of racial identity, reflecting the complex and varied nature of race and identity among Latinos. A Pew Research Center survey of Latino adults shows that one-quarter of all U.S. Latinos self-identify as Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean or of African descent with roots in Latin America. This is the first time a nationally representative survey in the U.S. has asked the Latino population directly whether they considered themselves Afro-Latino.

      In the U.S., Latinos with Caribbean roots are more likely to identify as Afro-Latino or Afro-Caribbean than those with roots elsewhere (34% versus 22%, respectively). Those who identify as Afro-Latino are more concentrated on the East Coast and in the South than other Latinos (65% of Afro-Latinos live in these regions vs. 48% of other Latinos). They are also more likely than other Latinos to be foreign born (70% vs. 52%), less likely to have some college education (24% vs. 37%), and more likely to have lower family incomes. About six-in-ten Afro-Latinos reported family incomes below $30,000 in 2013, compared with about half of those who did not identify as Afro-Latino (62% vs. 47%).

      Afro-Latinos’ views of race are also unique. When asked directly about their race, only 18% of Afro-Latinos identified their race or one of their races as black. In fact, higher shares of Afro-Latinos identified as white alone or white in combination with another race (39%) or volunteered that their race or one of their races was Hispanic (24%). Only 9% identified as mixed race.

      These findings reflect the complexity of identity and race among Latinos. For example, two-thirds of Latinos (67%) say their Hispanic background is a part of their racial background. This is in contrast to the U.S. Census Bureau’s own classification of Hispanic identity – census survey forms have described “Hispanic” as an ethnic origin, not a race.

      The multiple dimensions of Hispanic identity also reflect the long colonial history of Latin America, during which mixing occurred among indigenous Americans, white Europeans, slaves from Africa and Asians. In Latin America’s colonial period, about 15 times as many African slaves were taken to Spanish and Portuguese colonies than to the U.S. Today, about 130 million people of African descent live in Latin America, making up roughly a quarter of the total population, according to estimates from the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America (PERLA) at Princeton University.

      Until recently, most Latin American countries did not collect official statistics on ethnicity or race, especially from populations with African origins. However, a recent push for official recognition of minority groups throughout Latin America has resulted in most countries collecting race and ethnicity data on their national censuses.

      In 2015, for the first time ever, Mexico allowed people to identify as black or Afro-Mexican through a new question in its mid-decade survey. About 1.4 million Mexicans (or 1.2% of the population) self-identified as black or of African descent based on their culture, history or customs, according to Mexico’s chief statistical agency.

      Afro-Latinos make up significant shares of the population in some corners of Latin America. In Brazil, about half of the population is of African descent (black or mixed-race black). In the Caribbean, black Cubans make up about a third of that country’s population. In the Dominican Republic, black identity is much more complicated. Estimates of Afro-descent in the Dominican Republic range from about a quarter to nearly 90% of the population depending on whether the estimates include those who identify as “indio,” a group that includes many nonwhites and mixed-race individuals with African ancestry.

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      Black men dating latino women in south florida - you tell

      I was a neo-Nazi. Then I fell in love with a black woman

      By Claire Bates
      BBC World Service

      Image source, Mark Seliger

      She was a violent white supremacist. But an encounter in prison changed her life forever.

      Angela King had gone to the bar expecting trouble. The neo-Nazi had arrived at the local dive in South Florida with a gang of violent skinheads.

      King, 23, sauntered in with a 9mm pistol in the waistband of her jeans. She and her friends wore combat boots and coloured braces, their skin emblazoned with racist iconography.

      "I had tattoos all over my body. I had Vikings tattooed on my chest, a swastika on my middle finger and 'Sieg Heil' on the inside of my bottom lip, which was the Hitler salute," King says.

      They hated black people and Jews and were also virulently homophobic. Plus, one of them was her boyfriend. So King didn't dare to admit that she was secretly gay.

      As the group drank they became louder and more aggressive. A large brawl broke out after a man ordering a drink took exception to King's boyfriend.

      "He said something about his tattoo and that was it. It took nothing to get my boyfriend swinging," King says.

      King and another woman from her group grabbed the man's companion and beat her up in the bathroom. They fled after hearing the police had been called.

      "We drove around all pumped up and started talking about what a race war would be like in the US," she says.

      "We talked about how it was OK to hurt people who aren't like us and we decided to go and find a place to rob."

      They settled on a convenience store, but farcically it had closed while they argued about who should go in. They eventually targeted an adult video shop, reasoning that pornography "wasn't beneficial to the white race".

      "One of the guys went in and pistol-whipped the clerk before stealing money from the register," King says. The clerk was Jewish.

      King, the eldest of three children, had been raised in a strict conservative family in South Florida. She went to an expensive private Baptist school and attended Catholic Church services each week.

      But she had a secret that left her confused, angry and resentful.

      "From very early on I felt I was abnormal because I was attracted to people of the same sex," King says.

      King kept her sexual identity hidden.

      "I knew I had to keep it to myself. My mother used to say to me, 'I will never stop loving you... except you better never bring home a black person or a woman."

      King started going to public school when she was 10 after her family moved. She struggled with her weight and self-confidence, and was called names by fellow students. When verbal bullying became physical, she finally snapped.

      "When I was 13 a girl ripped open my shirt in front of the entire class," she says.

      "I was in a training bra and felt completely humiliated. It just blew the lid off the anger and rage I had been holding on to for so long."

      King fought back and realised violence and aggression gave her a sense of control that she had never felt before. She soon became established as the school and neighbourhood bully.

      Her parents divorced and while she and her sister stayed with their mother, their brother went to live with her father. Desperate to belong, she joined a group of teenagers into punk rock who were starting to flirt with neo-Nazism.

      "These younger skinheads were known as 'fresh cuts'," King says.

      "I joined them because they accepted my violence and anger without question."

      The group pasted racist flyers around neighbourhoods at night and started fights with anyone who disagreed with them.

      King assumed she had found the right path, because many of their views reflected the casual racism and prejudice she had heard at home.

      King was proud of her new identity and wore it "like a mantle" each day. Despite this, little action was taken at school.

      In one earth science lesson she put a swastika flag on a model she had built of a moon base. It was left on display for weeks before anyone noticed.

      Although the model was taken down, King still received a B grade for it after her mother argued she had the right to freedom of speech. Her parents didn't object to her beliefs, but warned her she was "too blatant about them."

      King began to hang out with older skinheads and joined a violent white extremist group in her teens.

      "They told me that Jews had owned the slave ships and had brought black people to America to endanger the white race.

      "It sounds ridiculous but when you are uneducated or trying to fit in, you soak up the new reality like a sponge."

      King was asked to leave her school when she was 16 and went to work in various fast food restaurants. Her mother eventually kicked her out for causing too much trouble and she slept in cars and on friends' sofas.

      It was around this time, in 1998, that King was involved in the robbery of the adult video shop. Soon afterwards she fled to Chicago with her boyfriend who was wanted for another hate crime. However, she was arrested weeks later and taken to the Federal Detention Centre in Miami.

      It was the first time she had lived in close quarters with people from different cultures and backgrounds.

      "People knew why I was in there and I got dirty looks and comments. I assumed I would spend my time with my back to the wall, fighting," King says.

      What King did not expect was the hand of friendship - especially from a black woman.

      "I was in the recreation area smoking when a Jamaican woman said to me, 'Hey, do you know how to play cribbage?'" King had no idea what it was and was taught to play.

      It was the start of an unlikely friendship and King found her racist belief system crumbling as a result. Her friendship circle widened as she was taken under the wing of a wider group of Jamaican women, some of whom had been convicted for carrying drugs into the US.

      "I hadn't really known any people of colour before, but here were these women who asked me difficult questions but treated me with compassion," King says.

      With their help, she started to take responsibility for her past actions.

      During her first year in the detention centre she was tipped off that a newspaper article was coming out about her case. She told one of her new friends how worried she was about the publicity.

      "My friend had a job that meant she got out early to help prepare breakfast. The day it came out she stole the paper and hid it so no-one could read it. She, a black woman, did that for me, an ignorant white woman who was inside for a hate crime."

      King was sentenced in 1999 to five years and moved to the county jail so she could give evidence against one of her former gang. When she was returned to the detention centre she discovered her circle of friends had been moved on to a prison in Tallahassee.

      "Suddenly my support network wasn't there," she says. "I was heartbroken."

      Meanwhile some new inmates had joined the detention centre, including another Jamaican woman who took an instant dislike to King.

      "People said she had been in violent gangs and was a real badass. One day as I passed, she asked: 'How do you even get to be like that?' I stopped and answered her as fully and honestly as I could."

      The two women began to talk and realised although they came from different worlds they had had similar experiences on the streets. Slowly the antagonism faded and they formed a bond. They realised over time that their feelings went beyond friendship.

      "We realised we had fallen in love with each other. We were like, 'How on Earth did this happen?'"

      "We spent a lot of time together talking and shared a cell for a while. It got quite serious but we had to keep it secret."

      For both women it was their first serious gay relationship. King's girlfriend was sent on to the jail in Tallahassee before her. King says it felt "like torture" and they wrote to each other via intermediaries. However, the relationship fizzled out a few months after King was transferred to the same prison.

      Image source, Angela King

      When King was released in 2001 she was determined not to fall back into old habits. She was also keen to meet other gay people and started by talking to people in chat rooms.

      "I was very honest about my past. I found acceptance in the gay community and realised I wasn't alone."

      King went to community college to study sociology and psychology. She wanted to understand if her experience of extremism was a common one.

      While there she made contact with the local Holocaust Centre, and sat down with a Holocaust survivor in 2004 to share her life story.

      "She was very stern, but afterwards she looked me in the eye and said 'I forgive you,'" King says.

      She has been doing public speaking for the centre ever since. Then in 2011 she went to an international conference where she met other former extremists.

      "I was excited to meet other people who had got involved in violent extremism and then got out. I wasn't alone," King says.

      She met two Americans who had founded a blog called Life After Hate, in which they shared their stories. They agreed to work together to create a non-profit organisation to help other people leave the far right community.

      King was all too aware of the hurdles people wishing to leave white supremacist groups had to overcome. She had tried to walk away following the Oklahoma bombing in 1995.

      "I just remember watching all of this horrific television footage of children being pulled from rubble. Then I found out the bomber Timothy McVeigh shared many of my views," she says.

      King was under house arrest at the time but also stopped using her phone. One day she found bullet holes across the front of her apartment block. Her extremist friends hinted they had something to do with it.

      "It's not something where you can just say: 'I've changed my mind.' There are serious and oftentimes violent repercussions for trying to walk away from something like that," King says.

      Without outside support, King didn't feel able to leave. She now uses that experience to help others.

      "People in extremist groups wrap their entire identities around it. Everything in their life has to be changed, from the way they think, to the people they associate with, to dealing with permanent tattoos."

      The organisation runs a programme called Exit USA that stages interventions. It also offers mentoring and points people trying to leave to different resources.

      A group of around 60 former extremists provide peer support to each other. The recent violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, has been particularly difficult to deal with.

      "Current events can bring up guilt and shame," King says.

      "We are busier than ever and are running on fumes right now."

      Life After Hate had its government funding cut back by the Trump administration in June, but King says personal donations from around the world have helped make up the shortfall.

      Image source, Life After Hate

      Meanwhile she has reached a better place in her own life. Her relationship with her parents has improved and she believes they now accept the fact she is gay although she says she "doesn't care" if they do.

      She has also slowly started to forgive herself for her past mistakes.

      "I have a lot of healthy guilt about who I was and the things I did to hurt others and myself. But I know I would not have been able to do this work had I not had those experiences," she says.

      King is having her old tattoos lasered - a process that started after she left prison. She is covering the faded racist images with new body art. One phrase that now covers her wrist simply says, "Love is the only solution."

      Image source, Getty Images

      He was a skinhead and the poster boy for one of the 1980s' most notorious far-right movements. But Nicky Crane was secretly gay. Then his precarious dual existence fell dramatically apart.

      Images are copyright Angela King, unless otherwise stated

      Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      Chispa - Dating for Latinos

      CHISPA is the new app for Latino single men and Latina single women with a simple mission: To create an exclusive community where Latino men and Latina women can find meaningful connections with people who share similar likes and interests.
      
      CHISPA is easy and fun to use:
      • Simply scroll through a personalized list of profiles.
      • If you're interested, slide the profile to right to give the person a ‘Like’, or click the 'Heart' icon.
      • If the feeling's mutual, then you're a match and can start chatting in our app right away.
      • Not interested? Slide the profile to the left to see the next person, or click the ‘X’ icon.
      
      Right when you join, all members can:
      • Become part of an exclusive community for single Latino men and Latina women
      • Like other members near you
      • Customize who and what they’re looking for
      • Receive a personalized group of profiles to look through every day
      • Chat with other members if they’ve liked you back
      
      Go Premium and you can also:
      • Rewind on people to give them a second chance
      • Send over 100 Super Chsipas per month to stand out from the crowd and let people know that you're really interested
      • Boost your profile each month to be one of the top profiles in your area for 30 minutes
      • Have an uninterrupted experience with no ads!
      
      Playing Tragos on Chispa
      • Spice up your profile using Latino themes, truths and fun cultural anecdotes
      • Connect and chat with your potential matches based on their answers and love for their culture
      • New questions every week to help you break the ice!

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

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      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      iPhone Screenshots

      Description

      Look.Match.Chat.
      
      
      Chispa is the app for Latino single men and Latina single women with a simple mission: To create an exclusive community where all Latinos can find meaningful connections with people who share similar likes and interests.
      
      
      • Chispa is easy and fun to use:
      • Simply scroll through a personalized list of profiles.
      • If you're interested, slide the profile to the right to give the person a ‘Like’, or click the 'Heart' icon.
      
      • If the feeling's mutual, then you're a match and can start chatting in our app right away.
      • Not interested? Slide the profile to the left to see the next person, or click the ‘X’ icon.
      
      
      Right when you join, all members can:
      • Become part of an exclusive community for single Latino men and Latina women
      • Customize who and what they’re looking for
      • Receive a personalized group of profiles to look through every day
      • Chat with other members if they’ve liked you back
      
      
      Go Premium and you can also:
      • Rewind on people to give them a second chance
      
      • Send 5 Super Chispas per day to stand out from the crowd and let people know that you're really interested
      • Boost your profile each month to be one of the top profiles in your area for 30 minutes
      • Send unlimited amount of likes to other members
      • Have an uninterrupted experience with no ads!
      
      
      Become Elite and you can:
      • Get all of the Premium benefits PLUS See Who's Liked You for instant matches!
      
      
      
      Playing Tragos on Chispa
      • Spice up your profile using Latino themes, truths and fun cultural anecdotes
      • Connect and chat with your potential matches based on their answers and love for their culture
      • New questions every week to help you break the ice!
      
      
      So what now? Join the community, spread the word, find a match, and have fun!
      
      
      
      And don't forget! Check us out every day! We're growing fast and there's someone new to match with every day!
      
      
      Privacy Policy: https://www.chispa-app.com/en/privacy-policy Terms & Conditions: https://www.chispa-app.com/en/terms-of-use
      
      
      If you choose to purchase a subscription, payment will be charged to your iTunes account, and your account will be charged for renewal within 24-hours prior to the end of your subscription. Subscriptions may be managed by the user and auto-renewal may be turned off by going to the user’s Account Settings after purchase. Current subscription starts at 9.99, and one-month, 3-month, and 6-month packages are available. Prices are in U.S. dollars, may vary in countries other than the U.S. and are subject to change without notice. If you don’t choose to purchase a subscription, you can simply continue to use Chispa.
      

      Version 3.5.0

      Bug fixes and performance improvements

      Ratings and Reviews

      4.5 out of 5

      175.2K Ratings

      MAJOR FLAW!!!!!!!!!

      So I noticed on your “matches” the one you have to pay to view. Those are either always abandoned accounts or actual people who you might of swiped left but yet remain on the matches I know because me and a friend I found use this app. She matched me and texted me and as a joke I swiped left yet the card remain behind the blurry tab. The number didn’t go down it stayed there, after a few weeks I noticed her pop up again so I did the same thing and same thing happened she came back. I get to some extent this is good but it’s kinda annoying I only noticed this because I know her.
      This made me believe this app is very basic and dull. I’m sure we all have different experience for the most part it’s ok it’s free I don’t expect a game changer. It’s just dumb I have to pay to view matches that would never reply or I’ve simply swiped left yet remain there. Most of these accounts are just on here to promote there ig or snap it’s not cool to download an app to only talk to others on a whole other app. Sure you can say it’s a safety thing or what ever it’s a back and fourth thing but still bottom line is this is a flawed system it does it’s job and you might get a few matches out of it regardless it’s just annoying they do that.

      ¡Qué tal, Luis! One of our subscription's features is that you're able to see who likes you in case you want to like them back. However, with a free account, you're able to message your matches who have liked you and you've liked them back. Also, we do show you profiles you've swiped left to in case you want to give them a chance. Regarding those profiles you suspect are using our app in dishonest ways, we want to let you know that the type of behavior you're describing is not tolerated on Chispa. We recommend reporting those profiles you suspect are using our app in dishonest ways by tapping on their profile and then tapping the Report link located at the bottom of the member's profile. If there's anything else we can do for you, don't hesitate and reach out to us at appreviews@chispa-app.com. ¡Cuídate!

      Awesome concept! Needs work

      I was expecting a little more with using this app but I know it's still in the early stages. I wish I could undo some of the right swipes on this app since I accidentally swipe right instead of being able to scroll through the pictures. I also wish there was a picture minimum instead of having just one picture posted with no bio since that makes it incredibly difficult to want to swipe on those profiles. I would love to see that a bio is required before posting your profile for the world to see since I'm only seeing just profiles with one picture and no content. I also wish that with upgrading, the likes that I saw didn't disappear unless I upgraded to the "Elite". I totally understand paying a little extra to gain access to more features, but honestly it doesn't make me want to continue the app if I can't see at least one of the profiles of those who like me at a time. I do like that they have a "Keeping Safe" article which I think is super helpful! Also can we link our Instagram and not just our Facebook? I would also love to have a feature where we can choose our preference and the distance as well. I also have Hinge and I guess I'm pretty used to their features, but I want to support my Raza and continue to use this dating app. I like how it has us choose our background which is a cool concept! The bugs also need fixing with notifications, showing that I have "likes" but they disappeared completely. Overall, it's a great start!

      ¡Hola! Thank you so much for your feedback! We totally hear you and are working everyday to make improvements to our app. We will make sure to add all of your feedback and suggestions to our list of ways to make Chispa even better! If you ever have any questions or other concerns, please send us a message at appreviews@chispa-app.com. We're always happy to help!

      Mediocre is the Word of the Day

      This app is mediocre at best. While the layout of the app is okay, there are some things that would really improve it. For example, one small thing is having the text wrap around when someone writes their education and occupation in, so you can see the full text they’ve written. Another small thing is making the “About Me” section you can write in the same as the one that gets presented to potential matches. The layout of the words isn’t consistent when switching between editing the profile and simply viewing the profile. It’d also be nice to add the feature of the “enter button” or ability to skip a line when writing an “about me”. Within the settings, there needs to be a way to turn off all notifications besides messages. Lastly, you should have the option to set your location to one place and select the maximum distance of which you would like to meet people. Not everyone is staying where they are in the current moment and sometimes want to meet someone close to where they live instead of where they currently are. A person’s city should be shown, not just the miles because you don’t know which direction the person might live in. If it’s a matter of privacy, maybe hide the person’s name until after they match, or have each person’s distance in relation to major cities instead. As a bonus, you could also consider asking prompt questions.

      Hey Taria95! Thank you for your feedback! We truly value your suggestions and will add them to our list of ways to make Chispa even better! As for a location filter, we are planning on adding this feature in the near future! Stay tuned for what's to come! 🙂

      The developer, Affinity Apps, LLC, indicated that the app’s privacy practices may include handling of data as described below. For more information, see the developer’s privacy policy.

      Data Used to Track You

      The following data may be used to track you across apps and websites owned by other companies:

      Data Linked to You

      The following data may be collected and linked to your identity:

      • Purchases
      • Location
      • Contact Info
      • User Content
      • Identifiers
      • Usage Data
      • Sensitive Info

      Data Not Linked to You

      The following data may be collected but it is not linked to your identity:

      Privacy practices may vary, for example, based on the features you use or your age. Learn More

      Information

      Seller

      Affinity Apps, LLC

      Size

      133.5 MB

      Category

      Social Networking

      Compatibility

      iPhone

      Requires iOS 14.0 or later.

      iPod touch

      Requires iOS 14.0 or later.

      Languages

      English, Spanish

      Age Rating

      17+ Infrequent/Mild Profanity or Crude HumorUnrestricted Web AccessFrequent/Intense Mature/Suggestive ThemesInfrequent/Mild Alcohol, Tobacco, or Drug Use or ReferencesInfrequent/Mild Sexual Content and Nudity

      Copyright

      © Affinity Apps 2020

      Price

      Free

      In-App Purchases

      1. 1 month Elite membership$19.99
      2. 1 month Elite membership$19.99
      3. Super Chispa - 5 Pack$2.99
      4. Boost 1 Pack$2.99
      5. 1 month premium membership$9.99
      6. 1 month Elite membership$24.99
      7. Boost - 1 Pack$1.99
      8. Super Chispa - 25 Pack$9.99
      9. Boost - 5 Pack$11.99
      10. 3 months Elite membership$29.99

      Supports

      • 

        Family Sharing

        Some in‑app purchases, including subscriptions, may be shareable with your family group when Family Sharing is enabled.

      More By This Developer

      You Might Also Like

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]

      Interracial marriage in the United States

      

      U.S States, by date of repeal of anti-miscegenation laws:

        No laws passed

        Repealed Before 1888

        Repealed between 1948 to 1967

        Overturned June 12, 1967

      Interracial marriage in the United States has been legal throughout the United States since at least the 1967 U.S. Supreme Court (Warren Court) decision Loving v. Virginia (1967) that held that "anti-miscegenation" laws were unconstitutional.^[1][2] Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote in the court opinion that "the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual, and cannot be infringed by the State."^[1]

      The number of interracial marriages as a proportion of all marriages has been increasing since 1967, so that by 2010 15.1% of all new marriages in the United States were mixed race compared to a low single-digit rate in the mid-20th century. Interracial marriage has continued to rise throughout the 2010s.

      Public approval of interracial marriage rose from around 5% in the 1950s to around 80% in the 2000s. The proportion of interracial marriages is markedly different depending on the ethnicity and gender of the spouses.

      Historical background

      The first "interracial" marriage in what is today the United States was that of the woman today commonly known as Pocahontas, who married tobacco planter John Rolfe in 1614.^[3]

      The Quaker Zephaniah Kingsley married (outside the U.S.) a black enslaved woman that he bought in Cuba. He also had three black common-law enslaved wives; he manumitted all four. In 1828 he published a Treatise, reprinted three times, on the benefits of intermarriage, which according to Kingsley produced healthier and more beautiful children, and better citizens. In Spanish Florida, where Kingsley lived, he was tolerated until Florida became a U.S. territory, for which reason he eventually moved with his family to Haiti (today the Dominican Republic).

      The prospect of black men marrying white women terrified many Americans before the Civil War. It was magnified into the greatest threat to society, the result of freeing blacks: according to them, White American women would be raped, defiled, sullied, by these savage jungle beasts.^{[citation needed]} Extramarital "interracial" unions were not rare, most commonly white male and black female (see Sally Hemings, Lydia Hamilton Smith, and Children of the plantation), and although restricted to the lower classes common-law unions of black male with white female are not unknown.

      However, the first legal black-white marriage in the United States was that of African-American professor William G. Allen and a white student, Mary King, in 1853.^[3] When their plans to marry were announced, Allen narrowly escaped being lynched. Their marriage was secret, and they left the country immediately for England, never to return.

      While opposed to slavery, in a speech in Charleston, Illinois in 1858, Abraham Lincoln stated, "I am not, nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people. I as much as any man am in favor of the superior position assigned to the white race".^[4]

      In Social Trends in America and Strategic Approaches to the Negro Problem (1948), Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal ranked the social areas where restrictions were imposed on the freedom of Black Americans by SouthernWhite Americans through racial segregation, from the least to the most important: basic public facility access, social equality, jobs, courts and police, politics and marriage. This ranking scheme illustrates the manner in which the barriers against desegregation fell: Of less importance was the segregation in basic public facilities, which was abolished with the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

      However, the most tenacious form of legal segregation, the banning of interracial marriage, was not fully lifted until the last anti-miscegenation laws were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren in a unanimous ruling Loving v. Virginia.^[1][2] The court's landmark decision, which was made on June 12, 1967, has been commemorated and celebrated every year on the Loving Day (June 12) in the United States.^[5]

      Academic researches

      Cultural aspects

      The differing ages of individuals, culminating in the generation divides, have traditionally played a large role in how mixed ethnic couples are perceived in American society. Interracial marriages have typically been highlighted through two points of view in the United States: Egalitarianism and cultural conservatism.^[6] Egalitarianism's view of interracial marriage is acceptance of the phenomenon, while traditionalists view interracial marriage as taboo and as socially unacceptable.^[7] Egalitarian viewpoints typically are held by younger generations, however older generations have an inherent influence on the views of the younger.^[8] Gurung & Duong (1999) compiled a study relating to mixed-ethnic relationships ("MER"s) and same-ethnic relationships ("SER"s), concluding that individuals part of "MER"s generally do not view themselves differently from same-ethnic couples.^[9] Research led by Barnett, Burma, and Monahan in 1963 and 1971 showed people who marry outside of their race are usually older and are more likely to live in an urban setting.^[10]Social enterprise research conducted on behalf of the Columbia Business School (2005–2007) showed that regional differences within the United States in how interracial relationships are perceived have persisted: Daters of both sexes from south of the Mason–Dixon line were found to have much stronger same-race preferences than northern daters did.^[11] The study also observed a clear gender divide in racial preference with regards to marriage: Women of all the races which were studied revealed a strong preference for men of their own race for marriage, with the caveat that East Asian women only discriminated against Black and Hispanic men, and not against White men.^[11] A woman's race was found to have no effect on the men's choices.^[11]

      Socio-economic aspects

      Several studies have found that a factor which significantly affects an individual's choices with regards to marriage is socio-economic status ("SES")—the measure of a person's income, education, social class, profession, etc. For example, a study by the Centre for Behaviour and Evolution, Newcastle University confirmed that women show a tendency to marry up in socio-economic status; this reduces the probability of marriage of low SES men.^[12]

      Research at the universities of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB) and Texas A&M addressing the topic of socio-economic status, among other factors, showed that none of the socio-economic status variables appeared to be positively related to outmarriage within the Asian American community, and found lower-socioeconomically stable Asians sometimes utilized outmarriage to whites as a means to advance social status.^[13]

      Marital stability

      A 2008 study by Jenifer L. Bratter and Rosalind B. King conducted on behalf of the Education Resources Information Center examined whether crossing racial boundaries increased the risk of divorce.^[14] Using the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth (Cycle VI), the likelihood of divorce for interracial couples to that of same-race couples was compared. Comparisons across marriage cohorts revealed that, overall, interracial couples have higher rates of divorce, particularly for those that married during the late 1980s.^[14]

      The authors found that gender plays a significant role in interracial divorce dynamics: According to the adjusted models predicting divorce as of the 10th year of marriage, interracial marriages that are the most vulnerable involve White females and non-White males relative to White/White couples.^[14] White wife/Black husband marriages are twice as likely to divorce by the 10th year of marriage compared to White/White couples, while White wife/Asian husband marriages are 59% more likely to end in divorce compared to White/White unions.^[14] This study's sample size of White wife/Asian husband marriages was 5 couples and therefore not of a reliable statistical strength to draw any conclusions.^[14] Conversely, White men/non-White women couples show either very little or no differences in divorce rates.^[14]

      Asian wife/White husband marriages show only 4% greater likelihood of divorce by the 10th year of marriage than White/White couples.^[14] In the case of Black wife/White husband marriages, divorce by the 10th year of marriage is 44% less likely than among White/White unions.^[14] Intermarriages that did not cross a racial barrier, which was the case for White/Hispanic White couples, showed statistically similar likelihoods of divorcing as White/White marriages.^[14]

      However, a 2009 study a year later by Yuanting Zhang and Jennifer Van Hook on behalf of Journal of Marriage and Family using a substantially larger sample size than the previous study produced different results with Asian female/White male marriages, followed closely by Asian male/White female marriages, shown as the least likely to divorce of any interracial marriage pairing.^[15]

      Rank	Pairing	Relative divorce rate by pairing
      1	Black, Black	1.63
      2	Black husband, White wife	1.62
      3	Black, White	1.55
      4	White husband, Black wife	1.44
      5	Hispanic husband, White wife	1.19
      6	Hispanic, White	1.13
      7	Other mixed race couples	1.07
      8	White husband, Hispanic wife	1.06
      9	White, White	1.00
      10	Hispanic, Hispanic	0.98
      11	Asian husband, White wife	0.79
      12	Asian, White	0.77
      13	White husband, Asian wife	0.77
      14	Asian, Asian	0.24

      This data comes from Table 3 Model 4 of the Zhang paper, which incorporates all controls into the model. White husband, white wife pairings are used as a control. The numbers are the relative rates at which interracial couples get divorced i.e. a pairing between a black husband and white wife is 1.62 times more likely to divorce than a pairing between a white husband and white wife.

      Census Bureau statistics

      The number of interracial marriages has steadily continued to increase since the 1967 Supreme Court ruling in Loving v. Virginia, but also continues to represent an absolute minority among the total number of wed couples. According to the United StatesCensus Bureau, the number of interracially married couples has increased from 310,000 in 1970 to 651,000 in 1980, to 964,000 in 1990, to 1,464,000 in 2000 and to 2,340,000 in 2008; accounting for 0.7%, 1.3%, 1.8%, 2.6% and 3.9% of the total number of married couples in those years, respectively.^[16]

      These statistics do not take into account the mixing of ancestries within the same "race"; e.g. a marriage involving Indian and Japanese ancestries would not be classified as interracial due to the Census regarding both as the same category. Likewise, since Hispanic is not a race but an ethnicity, Hispanic marriages with non-Hispanics are not registered as interracial if both partners are of the same race (i.e. a Black Hispanic marrying a non-Hispanic Black partner).

      White Wife			Black Wife			Asian Wife			Other Wife			Total
      White Husband	50,410,000	97.9%	97.7%	168,000	3.9%	0.3%	529,000	15.3%	1.0%	487,000	42.4%	0.9%	51,594,000	100%
      Black Husband	390,000	0.8%	8.6%	4,072,000	95.4%	89.2%	39,000	1.1%	0.9%	66,000	5.7%	1.3%	4,567,000	100%
      Asian Husband	219,000	0.4%	7.0%	9,000	0.2%	0.3%	2,855,000	82.5%	91.8%	28,000	2.4%	0.9%	3,112,000	100%
      Other Husband	488,000	0.9%	44.0%	18,000	0.4%	1.6%	37,000	1.1%	3.4%	568,000	49.4%	51.0%	1,111,000	100%
      Total	51,507,000	100%	4,267,000	100%	3,460,000	100%	1,149,000	100%	60,384,000

         – Percentages for Race and Wife

         – Percentages for Race and Husband

      Based on these figures:

      • White Americans were statistically the least likely to wed interracially, though in absolute terms they were involved in interracial marriages more than any other racial group due to their demographic majority. 2.1% of married White women and 2.3% of married White men had a non-White spouse. 1.0% of all married White men were married to an Asian American woman, and 1.0% of married White women were married to a man classified as "other".
      • 4.6% of married Black American women and 10.8% of married Black American men had a non-Black spouse. 8.5% of married Black men and 3.9% of married Black women had a White spouse. 0.2% of married Black women were married to Asian American men, representing the least prevalent marital combination.
      • There is a notable disparity in the rates of exogamy by Asian American males and females. Of all Asian American/White marriages, only 29% involved an Asian American male and a White female. However Indian American males married more non-Indians than females, although Indian Americans displayed the highest rates of endogamy, with very low levels of outmarriage overall. Of all Asian American/Black marriages only 19% involved an Asian American male and a Black female. 17.5% of married Asian American women and 8.2% of married Asian American men had a non-Asian American spouse.
      • The most common interracial marriage in the United States is an Asian American female married to a White American male, this is followed by a White American female married to a Black American male.

      In 2006, 88% of foreign-born White Hispanic males were married to White Hispanic females. In terms of out-marriage, Hispanic males who identified as White had non-Hispanic wives more often than other Hispanic men.

      2008 Pew Research Center Report

      The table (U.S. Census Bureau's 2008 American Community Survey) shows that among whites who out-married in 2008, there were different patterns by gender in the race of their spouses. More than a quarter of white men (26.9%) married an Asian woman, and about 6.9% married a black woman. In contrast, 20.1% of white women married a black man, while just 9.4% married an Asian man. A slightly higher proportion of white women than white men married a Hispanic person (51% versus 46%), and a similar share of each gender married someone in the other group.^[18]

      Percentage of all new marriages in 2008 Who “Out-Married” by Race/Ethnicity of Spouse
      Hispanic	Black	Asian	Other
      White Husband	46.1%	6.9%	26.9%	20.1%
      White Wife	51.4%	20.1%	9.4%	19.1%
      White	Hispanic	Asian	Other
      Black Husband	57.2%	21.9%	7.0%	13.9%
      Black Wife	58.6%	24.2%	5.5%	11.6%
      White	Black	Asian	Other
      Hispanic Husband	83.3%	4.5%	5.3%	7.0%
      Hispanic Wife	77.5%	13.2%	4.0%	5.2%
      White	Black	Hispanic	Other
      Asian Husband	70.9%	4.8%	17.7%	6.7%
      Asian Wife	76.8%	7.2%	9.5%	6.6%
      1 (%) Percentage of all New Marriages that are Interracial or Interethnic - 2008 ACS[18] 2 “Newly married” refers to people who got married in the 12 months before the survey. 3 (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a racial group. E.g.: White, Black, Mestizo)

      The study found that in 2008:^[19]

      • A record 14.6% of all new marriages in the United States in 2008 were between spouses of a different race or ethnicity from one another. This compares to 8.0% of all current marriages regardless of when they occurred. This includes marriages between a Hispanic and non-Hispanic (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a race) as well as marriages between spouses of different races – be they white, black, Asian, American Indian or those who identify as being of multiple races or some other race.
      • Among all newlyweds in 2008, 9% of whites, 16% of blacks, 26% of Hispanics and 31% of Asians married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.
      • Among all newlyweds in 2008, intermarried pairings were primarily White-Hispanic (41%) as compared to White-Asian (15%), White-Black (11%), and Other Combinations (33%). Other combinations consists of pairings between different minority groups, multi-racial people, and American Indians.
      • Among all newlyweds in 2008, native-born Hispanics and Asians were far more likely to intermarry than foreign-born Hispanics and Asians: 41.3% of native-born Hispanic men out-married compared to 11.3% of foreign-born Hispanic men; 37.4% of native-born Hispanic women out-married compared to 12.2% of foreign-born Hispanic women; 41.7% of native-born Asian men out-married compared to 11.7% of foreign-born Asian men; 50.8% of native-born Asian women out-married compared to 36.8% of foreign-born Asian women. Foreign-born excludes immigrants who arrived married.
      • Gender patterns in intermarriage vary widely. Some 22% of all black male newlyweds in 2008 married outside their race, compared with just 9% of black female newlyweds. Among Asians, the gender pattern runs the other way. Some 40% of Asian female newlyweds married outside their race in 2008, compared with just 20% of Asian male newlyweds. Among whites and Hispanics, by contrast, there are no gender differences in intermarriage rates.
      • Rates of intermarriages among newlyweds in the U.S. more than doubled between 1980 (6.7%) and 2008 (14.6%). However, different groups experienced different trends. Rates more than doubled among whites and nearly tripled among blacks. But for both Hispanics and Asians, rates were nearly identical in 2008 and 1980.
      • These seemingly contradictory trends were driven by the heavy, ongoing Hispanic and Asian immigration wave of the past four decades. For whites and blacks, these immigrants (and, increasingly, their U.S.-born children who are now of marrying age) have enlarged the pool of potential spouses for out-marriage. But for Hispanics and Asians, the ongoing immigration wave has also enlarged the pool of potential partners for in-group marriage.
      • There is a strong regional pattern to intermarriage. Among all new marriages in 2008, 22% in the West were interracial or interethnic, compared with 13% in both the South and Northeast and 11% in the Midwest.
      • Most Americans say they approve of racial or ethnic intermarriage – not just in the abstract, but in their own families. More than six-in-ten say it would be fine with them if a family member told them they were going to marry someone from any of three major race/ethnic groups other than their own.
      • More than a third of adults (35%) say they have a family member who is married to someone of a different race. Blacks say this at higher rates than do whites; younger adults at higher rates than older adults; and Westerners at higher rates than people living in other regions of the country.^[19]

      2010 Pew Research Center Report

      The study (U.S. Census Bureau's 2010 American Community Survey) found that in 2010:^[20]

      • A record 15.1% of all new marriages in the United States were between spouses of a different race or ethnicity from one another. This compares to 8.4% of all current marriages regardless of when they occurred. This includes marriages between a Hispanic and non-Hispanic (Hispanics are an ethnic group, not a race) as well as marriages between spouses of different races – be they white, black, Asian, American Indian or those who identify as being of multiple races or some other race.
      • Among all newlyweds, 9.4% of whites, 17.1% of blacks, 25.7% of Hispanics and 27.7% of Asians married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.
      • Among all newlyweds, intermarried pairings were primarily White-Hispanic (43.3%) as compared to White-Asian (14.4%), White-Black (11.9%), and Other Combinations (30.4%). Other combinations consists of pairings between different minority groups, multi-racial people, and American Indians.
      • Among all newlyweds, native-born Hispanics and Asians were far more likely to intermarry than foreign-born Hispanics and Asians: 36.2% of native-born Hispanics (both men and women) out-married compared to 14.2% of foreign-born Hispanics; 32% of native-born Asian men out-married compared to 11% of foreign-born Asian men; 43% of native-born Asian women out-married compared to 34% of foreign-born Asian women. Foreign-born excludes immigrants who arrived married.
      • Gender patterns in intermarriage vary widely. Some 24% of all black male newlyweds in 2010 married outside their race, compared with just 9% of black female newlyweds. Among Asians, the gender pattern runs the other way. Some 36% of Asian female newlyweds married outside their race in 2010, compared with just 17% of Asian male newlyweds. Among whites and Hispanics, by contrast, there are no gender differences in intermarriage rates.
      • Rates of intermarriages among newlyweds in the U.S. have nearly tripled since 1980 (6.7%) increasing to 14.6% in 2008 and 15.1% in 2010.
      • There is a strong regional pattern to intermarriage. Among all new marriages in 2010, 22% in the West were interracial or interethnic, compared with 14% in the South, 13% in the Northeast and 11% in the Midwest.

      Interracial marriage by pairing

      Asian and White

      

      An Asian bride and White groom at their wedding (2004)

      Marriages between European Americans and Asian Americans are increasingly common for both genders in the United States.^[21]

      Asian Americans of both genders who are U.S.-raised are much more likely to be married to Whites than their non-U.S.-raised counterparts. A 1998 Washington Post article states 36% of young Asian Pacific American men born in the United States married White women, and 45% of U.S.-born Asian Pacific American women took White husbands during the year of publication.^[22]

      The 1960 census showed Asian-White was the most common marriages. White women most common intermarriage pairings with Asian American was with Filipino males (12,000), followed by Indian males (11,200), followed by Japanese males (3,500) and Chinese males (3,500). For White males, the most common was with Japanese females (21,700), Indian females (17,500), followed by Filipina females (4,500) and Chinese females (2,900). ^[23]

      Anti-miscegenation laws discouraging marriages between Whites and non-Whites were affecting Asian immigrants and their spouses from the late 17th to early 20th century. By 1910, 28 states prohibited certain forms of interracial marriage. Eight states including Arizona, California, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, and Utah extended their prohibitions to include people of Asian descent. The laws of Arizona, California, Mississippi, Texas, and Utah referred to "Mongolians". Asians in California were barred by anti-miscegenation laws from marrying White Americans (a group including Hispanic Americans). Nevada and Oregon referred to "Chinese," while Montana listed both "Chinese" and "Japanese" persons.^[24] For example, a Eurasian daughter born to an Indian father and Irish mother in Maryland in 1680 was classified as a "mulato" and sold into slavery,^[25] and the Bengali revolutionary Tarak Nath Das's white American wife, Mary K. Das, was stripped of her American citizenship for her marriage to an "alien ineligible for citizenship."^[25]

      In 1918, there was controversy in Arizona when an Indian farmer married the sixteen-year-old daughter of one of his White tenants.^[26] California law did not explicitly bar Filipinos and whites from marrying, a fact brought to wide public attention by the 1933 California Supreme Court case Roldan v. Los Angeles County; however, the legislature quickly moved to amend the laws to prohibit such marriages as well in the aftermath of the case.^[27][28] Virginia in addition implicitly forbade marriage between white and Asians in the 1924 Racial Integrity Act, which banned marriages between whites and people who had "a trace whatsoever of any blood other than Caucasian" except for people with 1/16 or less Native American ancestry.^[29]

      Research conducted in the late 1970s in Los Angeles County, California, showed Japanese were, on average, more likely to marry outside of their race compared to Chinese and Koreans in the county. In 1979, 41.2% of Chinese marriages had a spouse of a different race. Koreans had a 27.6% rate of interracial marriages, and Japanese had a rate of 60.6%. The research also showed that, among Asians living in the United States, the percentage of women who married outside their race was higher than the percentage of men. Specifically, Korean-American women are involved in a higher percent of interracial marriages than Chinese or Japanese women. The research considered marriages to other Asians outside a person's ethnicity to be interracial marriages, for example, a Korean marrying a Japanese person.^[30]

      Black and White

      *	1980	1990	2000	2008	2009
      Total	167,000	211,000	363,000	481,000	550,000
      Black husband/ White wife	122,000	150,000	268,000	317,000	354,000
      White husband/ Black wife	45,000	61,000	95,000	164,000	196,000

      In the United States, there has been a historical disparity between Black female and Black male exogamy ratios: according to the United States Census Bureau, there were 354,000 White female/Black male and 196,000 Black female/White male marriages in March 2009, representing a ratio of 181:100.^[31] This traditional disparity has seen a rapid decline over the last two decades, contrasted with its peak in 1981 when the ratio was still 371:100.^[32] In 2007, 4.6% of all married Blacks in the United States were wed to a White partner, and 0.4% of all Whites were married to a Black partner.^[33]

      The role of gender in interracial divorce dynamics, found in social studies by Jenifer L. Bratter and Rosalind B. King, was highlighted when examining marital instability among Black/White unions.^[14] White wife/Black husband marriages show twice the divorce rate of White wife/White husband couples by the 10th year of marriage,^[14] whereas Black wife/White husband marriages are 44% less likely to end in divorce than White wife/White husband couples over the same period.^[14]

      According to Census Bureau data, in 1985 black men participated in 143,000 interracial marriages (approximately 3% of all married black men in the U.S.).^[10]

      Historically, mixed-race offspring of black and white people such as mulattos and quadroons were often denominated to the lower racial category, an example of the "one-drop rule", as a way to maintain the racial hierarchy. When slavery was legal, most mixed children came from an African American mother and white father. Relations between an African American man and white woman were deeply frowned upon, often due to the frequent portrayal of the men as sexual dangers. (By the 1970s, intermarriages flipped to be more common between a white woman and African American man). Once slavery was abolished, intermarriage was more common among higher educated and more affluent African Americans. There became a balance between racial prestige and socioeconomic prestige in intermarriages.^[34] Intermarriage between African Americans and whites was seen as the ultimate objective of integrationism.^[35] They believed these intermarriages were the solution to racism and discrimination.

      The 1960 and 1970 censuses showed that interracial marriage between black people and white people was least likely to occur in the South and most likely to occur in the West, specifically the West coast. In the 1960 census, 0.8% of black women and 0.6% of black men in the South were married to a white person. Ten years later, 0.5% of black women and 0.5% of black men in the South were married to a white person. By contrast, in the western U.S., 1.6% of black women and 2.1% of black men had white spouses in the 1960 census; the comparable figures in the 1970 census were 1.6% of black women and 4.9% of black men. In the 1980 census, the percentage of black men in the western U.S. in interracial marriages had increased to 16.5%.^[10] However, in 2020, births between blacks and whites were much more common in the South than other regions with approximately half occurring there and were least common in the West due to the low black percentage.^[36]

      Native American and Asian

      Filipino Americans have frequently married Native American and Alaskan Native people. In the 17th century, when Filipinos were under Spanish rule, the Spanish colonists ensured a Filipino trade between the Philippines and the Americas. When the Mexicans revolted against the Spanish, the Filipinos first escaped into Mexico, then traveled to Louisiana, where the exclusively male Filipinos married Native American women. In the 1920s, Filipino American communities of workers also grew in Alaska, and Filipino American men married Alaskan Native women.^[37] On the west coast, Filipino Americans married Native American women in Bainbridge Island, Washington.^[37]

      Asian and Black

      With African Americans and Asian Americans, the ratios are even further imbalanced, with roughly five times more Asian female/African male marriages than Asian male/African female marriages.^[38] However, C.N. Le estimated that among Asian Americans of the 1.5 generation and of the five largest Asian American ethnic groups this ratio narrows to approximately two to one.^[39] Even though the disparity between African American and Asian American interracial marriages by gender is high according to the 2000 US Census,^[38] the total numbers of Asian American/African American interracial marriages are low, numbering only 0.22% percent for Asian American male marriages and 1.30% percent of Asian female marriages, partially contributed by the recent flux of Asian immigrants.

      Historically, Chinese American men married African American women in high proportions to their total marriage numbers due to few Chinese American women being in the United States. After the Emancipation Proclamation, many Chinese Americans immigrated to the Southern states, particularly Arkansas, to work on plantations. The tenth year of US Census of Louisiana alone had counted 57% of interracial marriages between these Chinese Americans to be with African Americans and 43% to be with European American women. After the Chinese Exclusion Act, Chinese American men had fewer potential ethnically Chinese wives, so they increasingly married African American women on the West Coast.^[40] In Jamaica and other Caribbean nations as well many Chinese males over past generations took up African wives, gradually assimilating or absorbing many Chinese descendants into the African Caribbean community or the overall mixed-race community.

      Native American and White

      The interracial disparity between genders among Native Americans is low. Women are slightly more likely to “marry out” than men in this group: 61% of American Indian female newlyweds married outside their race, compared with 54% of American Indian male newlyweds.^[41]

      Historically in Latin America, and to a lesser degree in the United States, Native Americans have married out at a high rate. Many countries in Latin America have large Mestizo populations; in many cases, mestizos are the largest ethnic group in their respective countries.

      Native American and Black

      Further information: Black Indians

      In the United States, interracial unions between Native Americans and African Americans have also existed throughout the 16th through early 20th century resulting in some African Americans having Native American heritage.

      Throughout American history, there has been frequent mixing between Native Americans and black Africans. When Native Americans invaded the European colony of Jamestown, Virginia in 1622, they killed the Europeans but took the African slaves as captives, gradually integrating them. Interracial relationships occurred between African Americans and members of other tribes along coastal states. During the transitional period of Africans becoming the primary race enslaved, Native Americans were sometimes enslaved with them. Africans and Native Americans worked together, some even intermarried and had mixed children. The relationship between Africans and Native-Americans was seen as a threat to Europeans and European-Americans, who actively tried to divide Native-Americans and Africans and put them against each other.^[42]

      During the 18th Century, some Native American women turned to freed or runaway African men due to a major decline in the male population in Native American villages. At the same time, the early slave population in America was disproportionately male. Records show that some Native American women bought African men as slaves. Unknown to European sellers, the women freed and married the men into their tribe.^[43]

      Some African men chose Native American women as their partners because their children would be free, as the child's status followed that of the mother. The men could marry into some of the matrilineal tribes and be accepted, as their children were still considered to belong to the mother's people. As European expansion increased in the Southeast, African and Native American marriages became more numerous.^[43]

      Public opinion

      Historically, interracial marriage in the United States was subject to great public opposition (often a taboo),^[44] especially among whites.^[45] According to opinion polls, by 1986 only one third of Americans approved of interracial marriage in general.^[46] In contrast, in 2011, the vast majority of Americans approved of marriages between different races in general, while just 20 years earlier, in 1991, less than half approved.^[47]

      It was only in 1994 when more than half of Americans approved of such marriages in general.^[45] The approval/disapproval rate differs between demographic groups (for example by race, gender, age, and socioeconomic and marital status).^{[citation needed]}

      A 2018 YouGov/Economist poll found that 17% of Americans oppose interracial marriage; with 19% of "other" ethnic groups, 18% of blacks, 17% of whites, and 15% of Hispanics opposing.^[48]

      Attitudes towards interracial marriage can vary depending upon the race of the union and the person judging them - for example, black women expressed less approval for black men-white women marriages than the reverse, and Asian men less approval of white men-Asian women marriages than the reverse, seemingly due to concerns over mate competition.^[49]

      Relevant fields

      Marriage squeeze

      Main article: Marriage squeeze

      A term has arisen to describe the social phenomenon of the so-called "marriage squeeze" for African American females.^[50] The "marriage squeeze" refers to the perception that the most "eligible" and "desirable" African American men are marrying non-African American women at a higher rate, leaving African American women who wish to marry African American men with fewer partnering options. According to Newsweek, 43% of African American women between the ages of 30 and 34 have never been married.^{[citation needed]}

      Religion and interracial marriage

      Historically, many American religions disapproved of interracial marriage.^[51] Religious tradition and church attendance are consistent predictors for attitudes towards interracial marriages. Biblical literalists are less likely to support interracial marriage to Asians and Latinos. Whites who attend multiracial congregations or engage in devotional religious practices are more likely to support interracial marriages.^[52] Region also moderates the relationship between religion and interracial dating. Children with a religious upbringing in non-Western states, particularly the South, were less likely to have interracially dated than those without religious upbringings.^[53] Religious attitudes combined with Christian nationalism increased opposition to intermarriage more than either attribute measured independently.^[54]

      According to a Baylor University study "people with no religious affiliation were not statistically more likely to be in intermarriages than evangelical or mainline Protestants or people from other religions"^[55] with one exception, Catholics. Catholics were twice as likely to be in an interracial marriage than the general population.^[55] It is speculated that the reason for this is twofold: the increasing diversity of the Catholic population (which has seen a huge influx of immigrants, Catholicism has sizable to significant number of adherents from many nationalities worldwide) and the fact that Catholics typically base their choice of parish on geography rather than on its ethnic or racial makeup which creates more opportunities for interracial mixing.^[55] Jews were also more likely to date interracially than Protestants.^[53]

      Some religions actively teach against interracial marriages. For example, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints recommends against interracial marriages, but does not prohibit it.^[56][57] On the other hand, the Baháʼí Faith promotes interracial marriage as a prerequisite to achieving world peace.^[51]

      Even into the twentieth century, marriage between subcultures of Judaism was rare. Eastern European Jews were the most analyzed subgroup due to having the largest presence in the U.S. During 1908–1912, only 2.27% of Jews in New York City were part of an intermarriage. This figure only rose to 3.6% by 1919.^[58] Despite enjoying new freedom in America after escaping the oppression of the Old World, some Jews were still hesitant about interfaith marriage. One of the greatest factors that swayed Jews away from intermarriage was a fear of assimilation and loss of identity. Although the beginnings of a melting pot culture appeared to encourage diversity, it was also seen as a threat to the Jewish culture and religion. However, there was also fear of persecution due to racial tensions and frequent discrimination.

      Not all Jews were hesitant about assimilating into American culture. Some early Jewish authors such as Mary Antin were strong proponents of abandoning their Jewish heritage and encouraged interfaith marriage. It was suggested as a way to make immigration easier and reflect positively on the Jews in a time of prevailing discrimination. They believed that intermarriage was beneficial to both the Jewish community and America as a whole.^[59]

      While intermarriage was relatively common among ethnic groups like the German and Italians, the practice of endogamy was still the domineering practice among the newer ethnic groups. It has been found that rates in Jewish intermarriage increase from the initial immigrant wave with each subsequent generation.^[60]

      Immigrants and interracial marriage

      Racial endogamy is significantly stronger among recent immigrants.^[61] This result holds for all racial groups, with the strongest endogamy found among immigrants of African descent.^[61] Gender differences in interracial marriage change significantly when the non-white partner is an immigrant. For instance, female immigrants of Chinese descent are more likely to marry U.S.-born Caucasians than are their male counterparts.^[61]

      Interracial marriage versus cohabitation

      In the United States, rates of interracial cohabitation are significantly higher than those of marriage. Although only 7% of married African American men have European American wives, 12.5% of cohabitating African American men have European American partners. 25% of married Asian American women have European spouses, but 45% of cohabitating Asian American women are with European American men—higher than the percentage cohabiting with Asian men (less than 43%).^[62]

      Of cohabiting Asian men, slightly over 37% of Asian men have white female partners and over 10% married to white women.^[63] These numbers suggest that the prevalence of intimate interracial contact is around double that of what is represented by marriage data.

      See also

      References

      1. ^ ^abc"Loving v. Virginia". Oyez. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
      2. ^ ^ab"Loving v. Virginia". LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
      3. ^ ^abViñas-Nelson, Jessica (September 2017). "Interracial Marriage in 'Post-Racial' America". Origins. 10 (12).
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      5. ^"What is Loving Day?

         Identity for U.S. Hispanics is multidimensional and multifaceted. For example, many Hispanics tie their identity to their ancestral countries of origin – Mexico, Cuba, Peru or the Dominican Republic. They may also look to their indigenous roots. Among the many ways Hispanics see their identity is their racial background.

         Afro-Latinos are one of these Latino identity groups. They are characterized by their diverse views of racial identity, reflecting the complex and varied nature of race and identity among Latinos. A Pew Research Center survey of Latino adults shows that one-quarter of all U.S. Latinos self-identify as Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean or of African descent with roots in Latin America. This is the first time a nationally representative survey in the U.S. has asked the Latino population directly whether they considered themselves Afro-Latino.

         In the U.S., Latinos with Caribbean roots are more likely to identify as Afro-Latino or Afro-Caribbean than those with roots elsewhere (34% versus 22%, respectively). Those who identify as Afro-Latino are more concentrated on the East Coast and in the South than other Latinos (65% of Afro-Latinos live in these regions vs. 48% of other Latinos). They are also more likely than other Latinos to be foreign born (70% vs. 52%), less likely to have some college education (24% vs. 37%), and more likely to have lower family incomes. About six-in-ten Afro-Latinos reported family incomes below $30,000 in 2013, compared with about half of those who did not identify as Afro-Latino (62% vs. 47%).

         Afro-Latinos’ views of race are also unique. When asked directly about their race, only 18% of Afro-Latinos identified their race or one of their races as black. In fact, higher shares of Afro-Latinos identified as white alone or white in combination with another race (39%) or volunteered that their race or one of their races was Hispanic (24%). Only 9% identified as mixed race.

         These findings reflect the complexity of identity and race among Latinos. For example, two-thirds of Latinos (67%) say their Hispanic background is a part of their racial background. This is in contrast to the U.S. Census Bureau’s own classification of Hispanic identity – census survey forms have described “Hispanic” as an ethnic origin, not a race.

         The multiple dimensions of Hispanic identity also reflect the long colonial history of Latin America, during which mixing occurred among indigenous Americans, white Europeans, slaves from Africa and Asians. In Latin America’s colonial period, about 15 times as many African slaves were taken to Spanish and Portuguese colonies than to the U.S. Today, about 130 million people of African descent live in Latin America, making up roughly a quarter of the total population, according to estimates from the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America (PERLA) at Princeton University.

         Until recently, most Latin American countries did not collect official statistics on ethnicity or race, especially from populations with African origins. However, a recent push for official recognition of minority groups throughout Latin America has resulted in most countries collecting race and ethnicity data on their national censuses.

         In 2015, for the first time ever, Mexico allowed people to identify as black or Afro-Mexican through a new question in its mid-decade survey. About 1.4 million Mexicans (or 1.2% of the population) self-identified as black or of African descent based on their culture, history or customs, according to Mexico’s chief statistical agency.

         Afro-Latinos make up significant shares of the population in some corners of Latin America. In Brazil, about half of the population is of African descent (black or mixed-race black). In the Caribbean, black Cubans make up about a third of that country’s population. In the Dominican Republic, black identity is much more complicated. Estimates of Afro-descent in the Dominican Republic range from about a quarter to nearly 90% of the population depending on whether the estimates include those who identify as “indio,” a group that includes many nonwhites and mixed-race individuals with African ancestry.

         Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]
         Loving Day". www.lovingday.org. Retrieved September 29, 2019.
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      Further reading

      • Sheryll Cashin (June 6, 2017). Loving: Interracial Intimacy in America and the Threat to White Supremacy. 2017 Beacon Press. ISBN .

      Источник: [https://torrent-igruha.org/3551-portal.html]